称颂神——研读《诗篇》三十四篇（一）

前一段时间,我曾研读了《诗篇》84篇。从中看到了三方面的问题。一是渴慕神,就是对神的院宇、对神的工作和对神的赐福的渴慕;二是心向神,向神的感谢赞美、呼吁祷告和朝见敬拜;三是经历神,就是住神里面有福,灵命道路有福,靠神的人有福。现在我们再研读一篇《诗篇》,也就是34篇。它的内容更为丰富,教训更加深刻,也能使我们体会到有更大勉励的意义。     

“神贫的人是有福的”

各位兄弟姐妹,今天我们在此过诸圣瞻礼,庆祝天堂上的所有圣人圣女,他们都在为我们求天主。其中也有徐家汇的教友,他们过去同我们一样生活,来堂念经、参与弥撒圣祭。如今他们在天堂上享见天主圣三,为我们求天主,为我们求得需要的大量圣宠。 今天弥撒中的福音,读的是耶稣山中圣训中的真福八端。由于时间的关系,我不一端一端地讲,只讲第一端：“神贫的人是有福的,因为天国是他们的。”耶稣讲神贫的人是有福的,没有讲贫穷的人是有福的,当然贫穷的人是有福的,但耶稣对所有的信徒,对整个人类,讲这道理。所以讲：“神贫的人是有福…     

古人的警戒

读经:诗篇第一篇、犹大书 诗篇是颂赞神的诗歌集,第一篇是说一个有福的人是喜爱神的律法的人。说到“福”字,我们中国人是特别喜爱的,我们过春节总是写了许多福字,贴在门上、窗户上、墙上、缸上。圣经里说神的子民遵行神的诫命就会得到神的赐福,连筐子、抟面盆都蒙福。     

得福的途径

神是我们的福分(诗119∶57),他是万有之源,万福之本。我们相信了神,他就把各样的福分赐给我们(创49∶25),我们通过什么途径得福呢?平安之福1、要认识神圣经中提到:“你要认识神,就得平安,福气也必临到你。”(伯22∶21)我们要得平安,必须要认识神,     

神必赐福的人

神是我们的福分(诗119:57).我们只有相信神,才能够得到天上的福、地上的福(创49:25)和各样属灵的福气(弗1:3)."你要认识神,就得平安,福气也必临到你." (伯22:21)福气乃神所赐(申12:15),神必赐福何人呢?     

神贫的人是有福的

神贫的人是有福的杨弥格真福八端第一端是：“神贫的人是有福的，因为天国是他们的。”（玛５：３）以往对这端道理常有一个误解，认为“神贫”就等于贫穷。其实，生活中真正的神贫并非如此。对“神贫”二字的解释，从字义上讲，是相对“形贫”（即物质生活的贫乏）而言，...     

书念妇女所蒙的福气

人人都愿得福,人人都想得福;但是却不是人人都知道得福的方法与途径。很多弟兄姊妹认为:只要求就可以得着,然而却没有得着。为什么呢?是不是我们的神失信了呢?从今天我们所读的经文中神将告诉我们书念妇人蒙福的秘诀。     

“有福”■词义研究

正旧约圣经,尤其是《诗篇》中常常提到"有福"■这个词。根据旧约原文希伯来文的词序,我们在《诗篇》1篇的开头所读到的第一个词正是"有福"■。按照原文直译《诗篇》1篇1节的开头为"有福的人是……""有福"■是一个阳性名词,意思是一个人所处的福乐状态。这个词从没有用来形容神,却常常用来形容人,而且是惊叹式的强调语气,就     

源于中国的日本“七夕”

日本的"七夕",是与日本农耕文化同时开始的,最初是为祈祷秋天的丰收而祭祀田神的一种活动.奈良时代,中国的"七夕"传入日本,被日本的"七夕"信仰所吸纳、复合,从而形成日本的七夕节.日本的"七夕"活动是日本固有信仰与外来仪式结合的产物,每个地区都各具特色.随着时代的发展.如今的"七夕"供品更具现代色彩.     

道教与四灵崇拜

道教根植于中国古代文化,它所崇拜的神与中国传统信仰有着密切的关系,如对星辰的崇拜,其中宇宙天体二十八宿中的东方七宿神演为青龙,西方七宿神演为白虎,南方七宿神演为朱雀,北方七宿神演为玄武(真武大帝),成为道教崇拜的“四灵”尊神,并为广大道教徒所崇奉。     

易道辩正

易道是易学思想的精髓或内在精神,其最根本的特征是所谓的“一阴一阳之道”。作为易学结构基元的易卦卦象符号,与阴阳观念具有先天性的亲和力,从而使得阴阳观念有了一个可以符号化表征的形式系统。在汉代,阴阳五行与易学成为一个统一的有机整体。两汉的象数理论试图将易道(天道)完全形式化努力的最终结果是“入于礻几祥”,成为一套牵强附会的繁琐哲学。魏晋以后,诸如“时”、“中”一类具有明显的个人独知默会、参悟修证意义的命题,逐渐成为一阴一阳、生生不息的“易道”最为生动的表征。道之真谛,若以易理言之,就是“自强不息”,“与时偕行”。     

方术迷信的"灵验"揭秘

方术作为中华神秘文化的一个重要的组成部分,是一种既不同于宗教又与宗教有联系的企图借助于“鬼神”等神秘力量来消灾免祸、延年益寿、添财加福的可操作性的东西,如八卦术、算命术、风水术、占梦术、测字术、巫术等。 方术尽管是唯心的不可相信的东西,在历代也遭到了一些人的攻击和批判,然而为何屡不绝迹,有时甚至风靡一时、影响很大,即使在今天仍然有其市场呢?其中一个重要的原因在于一些人认为方术“灵验”。 方术“灵验”的原因是什么?到底是哪些因素     

"全球伦理"与"文明的冲突"

自美国9.11恐怖袭击事件后,塞缪尔.亨廷顿关于“文明冲突”的理论引起人们高度兴趣。以宗教为核心的文明之间的冲突真的难以化解吗?汉斯.昆的“全球伦理”观点对此提出挑战。本文将浅析一下“全球伦理”,及其化解“文明冲突”的可能性。     

"Psychotherapy" versus "treatment"

Presents a comment on "Psychological treatments" by D. H. Barlow. Barlow proposed that we distinguish between the terms "treatment" and "psychotherapy." The author believes that not only is the distinction unnecessary, but that its implications could have negative consequences for the field of clinical psychology. It is the proposed distinguishing feature that treatments are "specifically tailored to the pathological process that is causing the impairment and distress" that is most problematic. Clinical psychology does not need a distinction that further exacerbates the split between researchers and practitioners.     

"Enmeshment" and "Fusion"

The paper examines two related concepts utilized by two different schools of family therapy. Any family seen to be "enmeshed" is also seen as "fused," and vice versa. The difference in the level of focus, on the "system containing the individuals" (structural) or the "individual in the system" (fusion), determines the difference in therapeutic approach of these two schools.     

"本体论"与"伦理学"--形而上学的两个向度

形而上学有两个密切相关的内在向度,就是本体论向度与伦理学向度.在哲学史上,哲学家们之所以在"追求形而上学"的同时,又总是"反形而上学",并非是人们的形上本性出了问题,而是因为人们总是将形而上学视为单纯的"一维性",总是用一个向度来取代或遮蔽另一个向度.而所谓的"后形而上学思想",也并不是消解了形而上学,而是指形而上学从"本体论向度"转向了"伦理学向度".     

“对的”与“好的”

什么是“对的”,和对它的证立,是道德哲学中具有争议性的核心问题,也是效用主义和道义论间的主要差异之所在。统合效用主义对于“好的就是对的”这个陈述有一套完整周延的说法。而道义论对这个问题的证立不够周延或没有足够的说服力。     

Comparison of two theories of "ratio" and "difference" judgments

This article examines the hypothesis that judges compare stimuli by ratio and subtractive operations when instructed to judge" "ratios" and "differences." Rule and Curtis hold that magnitude estimations are a power function of subjective values, with an exponent between 1.1 and 2.1. Accordingly, the two-operation model tested assumes magnitude estimations of "ratios" are a comparable power function of subjective ratios. In contrast, Birnbaum and Veit theorize that judges compare two stimuli by subraction for both "ratio" and "difference" instructions and that magnitude estimations of "ratios" are approximately an exponential function of subjective differences. Three tests were used to compare the theory of one operation with the two-operation theory for the data of nine experiments. The results strongly favor the theory that observers use the same operation for both instructions.     

The development of children's understanding of "because" and "so"

Children's (5 years, 8 months to 8 years, 4 months) comprehension of "because" and "so" was assessed on both enactment and sentence completion tasks. The use of a within-subject design permitted performance on each task to be interpreted in terms of performance on the other. The pattern of results provided evidence against a componential model for the acquisition of causal connectives. This model holds that the two meaning components (cause, order) are acquired separately, with the order component being acquired several years later than the causal component. The results also were in accord with predictions derived from a contextual model of children's developing understanding of terms expressing logical relationships. This model posits that the understanding of relational terms is initially context dependent, such that children can understand relational terms when they express familiar relationships, but experience difficulty in forming representations of novel relationships solely on the basis of linguistic input. The lexical components of because and so are understood during the context-dependent stage, and the transition from context-dependent to context-independent understanding does not reflect further lexical development, but rather increasing facility in dealing with decontextualized linguistic input.