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1.
近代中国经历着从传统向现代的转换,儒学作为传统文化的主干,与现代化之间存在诸多矛盾和不适应之处。陈焕章为建立儒学与现代性的关联,在《孔门理财学》中,他重新诠释了儒家传统的义利关系,阐发了新的四民观,使儒家经济思想变得切实可用,并能够在中国现代进程中发挥积极作用。陈焕章对儒家经济思想做的现代诠释,一方面是想要达到保存儒学、昌明孔教的目的;另一方面,他在试图用儒学为资本主义在中国的发展开辟道路,同时也希望以儒学的经济思想限制或消除资本主义发展的弊端,体现了近代中国的知识分子为追求保存儒学和走向现代化问题上的双赢所做的努力。  相似文献   

2.
儒学在近代成为进步思潮的批判对象,并丧失了文化主位性,这有其历史的必然原因。但“五四”的批儒,有简单化和过于政治化之失,儒学只是被简单地抛弃,并没有被扬弃。“文革”再度批儒。“文革”的破产及儒学在东亚若干国家现代化过程中的某些积极作用,使批儒反孔的进步性首次受到怀疑。最近文化热中儒学虽又一次受到批判,但全盘否定儒学的潮流已不能左右知识界。许多学者正在努力超越传统,也超越反传统,从自外部打倒传统进到在内部创造性地转化传统,以便在多元化的文化趋势中重建民族主体文化。儒学不可能恢复历史上的主位性,但其精华经过加工改造可以成为现代社会生活的积极因素。在人生哲学方面,儒学注重焕发人的生命活力;相信人可以自我完善、自我超越;并把人生的价值与国家民族的命运联系在一起。这三点具有现代意义。在社会伦理方面,我们要继承发扬儒家重道德礼貌的传统,要重新评价和改造“五常”说,要把“五伦”中的朋友一伦提到首位,并推广于其他一切人际关系之中。  相似文献   

3.
现代新儒学以遥承先秦儒学、宋明理学,在现时代谋求儒学之“第三期发展”而自任。由于西方文化构成了20世纪世界文化的主流,因而,如何在继承传统儒家之“真精神’的基础上,通过援西学入儒学以推进儒学的现代化,构成了现代新儒学的时代课题。现代新儒学历经几代薪火相传,其间存在境遇虽有不同,学理义涵也一直是见仁见智,但其思想的脉胳可以说是始终围绕这一中心展开的。在这方面,成中英、杜维明、刘述先等第三代现代新儒家比之前辈不仅更具理论的自觉性,而且其入乎西方文化之内而又出乎西方文化之外的学思历程与知识基础也为他们…  相似文献   

4.
通过对经典的不断诠释来传承与拓展一种思想传统 ,是中国文化尤其是儒学的一大特色。在当代学术的背景下 ,聚集中国经典的“解释经验” ,可以从一个更切近的角度 ,捉摸传统的思想脉络 ,并为发展具有中国特色的解释学寻求基础。为此 ,台湾“东亚近世儒学中的经典诠释传统”研究计划 ,同广州中山大学中国哲学研究所 ,于 2 0 0 1年底在广州中山大学举行第七次“东亚近世儒学中的经典诠释传统”研讨会 ,交流相关的研究成果。会议由台湾大学历史系黄俊杰教授、中山大学哲学系冯达文、陈少明教授主持。台港粤三地共有 2 2位学者在会上发表论文。会…  相似文献   

5.
本文认为,如何从儒家内在的理论立场出发来贯通道德理性与理智理性,如何从素重德性的儒学传统中发展出知性主体,以为理智理性在儒学传统中确立内在根据,内在地决定了现代新儒学之发展嬗变。就贯通德性与理性的不同方式而言,现代新儒家分为“尊德性”与“道问学”两个系统。从现代新儒学的发展历程看,“尊德性”一系的理路在现时代已经到了尽头,而“道问学”一系在实现了根本性变革之后,为儒学的发展注入了新的生命活力,它不仅推进了儒学的现代化,而且使儒学获得了崭新的存在形态。  相似文献   

6.
由北京师范大学价值与文化研究中心举办的“东亚价值观”国际学术研讨会于2005年8月11~12日在北京师范大学召开。来自日本、韩国、美国、中国大陆及台湾等国家和地区的40余名专家学者参加了会议。与会专家学者围绕着中国传统文化与东亚价值观、东亚价值观的特质及其成因、传统东亚价值观的现代转化等问题进行了广泛而深入的讨论。一、中国传统文化与东亚价值观中国传统文化对传统东亚价值观的形成,其影响也是多方面的。对此,北京师范大学的郑万耕教授认为,《周易》作为中国文化的源头之一,提出了许多重要的价值理念,其中“保合太和”、“天…  相似文献   

7.
东方现代化模式与东亚传统文化─—福冈“东亚传统文化国际学术研讨会”记实高令印1994年4月8—10日,在日本福冈举行了“东亚传统文化国际学术研讨会”,主题是研讨东方思想,包括1.中国传统思想的展开,2.中国周边地区的中华文化,3.传统与现代——新儒家...  相似文献   

8.
就中国现代化发展模式与文化传统的相互关系,眼前有三说流行.其一是“儒学复兴”说.此说谬误至少有四:(1)把多元的中国文化归结为儒家文化;(2)在东亚五地区经济起飞的复杂原因中过于强调了文化因素并把它等同于儒家伦理;(3)贬低  相似文献   

9.
2006年8月11~12日,中国孔子基金会、曲阜师范大学、中国实学研究会、山东大学、山东社会科学院和山东孔子学会在日照联合召开了“儒学与实学国际学术研讨会”。来自韩国、马来西亚和中国大陆的90余名学者就“儒学的当代价值及其与实学的关系”展开了讨论。一、全球化时代的儒学价值面对当今世界日益严重的各种现实问题,传统儒家如何经过转换,对社会和人生发挥出它的价值和影响?儒家内部有丰富的文化资源可以参与当今世界的文明对话,回应全球化发展带来的问题与危机,为国际文化交流提供原则与智慧。在孔子和儒学那里,全人类共有的问题是人与…  相似文献   

10.
作者从中国文化哲学、传统学、新人学而进入和合学的探讨,认为和合学是中国传统文化的精髓,具有首要价值,是超越宋明新儒学和现代新儒学的尝试。作者指出,宋明新儒学的缺陷是把此在所以然与彼在所以然混淆起来。现代新儒学接着宋明新儒学讲,而有新理学、新心学、新气学之分。现代新儒学的基本内涵是;以民族生存的关切情怀,以融摄西方文化之新,而归宗为儒学的精神价值,并以重建儒家形上学为理论核心,以重立儒家理想价值为职志,以开出现代新“外王” 为标的,体现出对于文化危机的反思,意义世界的追求,终极关怀的寻觅。但在当前现代化潮流的冲击下,都有成为旧学的趋势。  相似文献   

11.
In order respectfully and adequately to compare Confucian and Christian conceptions of creativity, it is necessary to have proper comparative categories. Put roughly, we need to know what creativity is in order to see how Confucianism and Christianity have various versions of it. In respect of what do they agree or differ? So the first order of business is to put forward, however briefly, a theory of creativity in light of which comparisons can be made. Creativity, of course, is a very complicated notion in the West and in East Asia. Two philosophical topics can reveal something of its complication: the problem of the one and the many, and the nature of change.  相似文献   

12.
儒学本是东方的一种古老的学术文化 ,其成为当代的话题并引起世人的关注 ,乃是 2 0世纪 80年代以后的事。 70年代东亚经济起飞 ,特别是 80年代以来东亚现代化的推进 ,显示出一种有别于欧洲的“集团主义人文类型”的现代化模式 ,不仅令西方经济界瞠目 ,而且使得许多西方人士意识到 :亚洲今天发生的种种革命性变革背后 ,有一个传承数千年的历史背景。今天 ,我们欲在世界历史进程中追寻儒学变化的踪迹 ,必须具备东西方文化对比的大视野。应该说 ,东方文化与东方哲学 ,即是我们了解东方儒学的大背景。  相似文献   

13.
Franz Mang 《Dao》2018,17(1):29-49
Confucian scholars should satisfy two conditions insofar as they think their theories enable Confucianism to make contributions to liberal politics and social policy. The liberal accommodation condition stipulates that the theory in question should accommodate as many reasonable conceptions of the good and religious doctrines as possible while the intelligibility condition stipulates that the theory must have a recognizable Confucian character. By and large, Joseph Chan’s Confucian perfectionism is able to satisfy the above two conditions. However, contrary to Chan and many other Confucian scholars, I argue that any active promotion of Confucianism will violate the liberal accommodation condition. I propose the “wide view of moderate perfectionism,” which enables Confucianism to shed light on a wide range of political and social issues without promoting Confucianism actively. Thus, I present a new approach to the long-standing question of how Confucianism may improve political and social development in a liberal society.  相似文献   

14.
John B. Berthrong 《Dao》2008,7(4):423-435
Du Weiming (Tu Weiming) has assisted in defining the New Confucian movement, a philosophical discourse that depends on axiological themes and traits based on an exegesis and defense of the revival and reform of traditional Confucian discourse inherited from the Classical and Neo-Confucian waves in East Asia. Thomas A. Metzger’s discussion of the profound difference between modern Western post-Enlightenment discourse and New Confucian discourse challenges many of Du’s primary assumptions. My conclusion is that Du is both a citizen of the modern Western academy and a Confucian public intellectual dedicated to mediating the great debate that now spans the Pacific ocean between the West and a revived East Asian cultural complex, including New Confucianism as a major dialogue partner at the beginning of the new millennium by continuing the historic Confucian commitment to a theory of values.  相似文献   

15.
《Journal of Global Ethics》2013,9(2-3):227-237
The Confucian notion of civility has for thousands of years guided all aspects of socio-ethical life in East Asia. Confucians express their central concern for civility in their notion of li, which is commonly translated ‘ritual’ and refers to the conventions and courtesies through which we submit to the socio-ethical order, as we do, for example, in performing sacrifices, weddings, and funerals, and various daily acts of deference. Since the rise of China and other East Asian countries as economic powers, it has been suggested that we have in East Asia a ‘Confucian’ ritual-based culture that is opposed to the law-based culture of the West, a culture of rites opposed to a culture of rights, and that this ritual-based culture can be carried into modernity as another way to secure social harmony. I argue that the values central to Confucian ritual – deference, repayment, and harmony – are incompatible with the freedom enacted in modern civility. It is unlikely, therefore, that Confucian ritual can be carried into modernity and, as some suggest, remedy the fragmentation, and indeed lack of civility, characteristic of modern societies.  相似文献   

16.
Keqian Xu 《亚洲哲学》2006,16(2):135-148
The subtle and complex relation between Confucianism and modern democracy has long been a controversial issue, and it is now again becoming a topical issue in the process of political modernization in contemporary China. This paper argues that there are some quite basic early Confucian values and principles that are not only compatible with democracy, but also may become the theoretic foundation of modern democracy in China. Early Confucianism considers ‘the people's will’ as the direct representative of ‘Heaven's will’, with which it legitimizes political power. Confucian theory of ‘human nature is good’ endorses equal potential good for every man. These principles can be used in reasoning towards a system of democracy. In terms of decision-making, the Confucian ‘Doctrine of the Mean’ accords with certain democratic principles. The independent personality and committed individualism advocated by early Confucianism is a required civic merit in a democratic society. These fundamental Confucian principles, through contemporary hermeneutics, may provide a philosophic grounding for democracy and support the construction of a democratic system with a Chinese dimension. To get democracy rooted in the spirit of traditional Chinese culture will benefit the healthy and smooth development of democracy in China.  相似文献   

17.
The eighteenth century was a peaceful era for East Asia, ruled by the emperors of Ching. However, intellectuals who refused to accept the Great Ching order appeared in Chos?n and Japan. They developed homeland-centric ideologies. This article compares the Han W?n-chin (韓元震, 1682–1751)‘s Chos?n-centrism with the Motoori Norinaga (本居宣長, 1730–1801)’s Japan-centrism. There is a lot of research about the Norinaga’s Japan-centrism in Japanese academia, which contains both aspects of the culture theory and order theory. In Korea, however, discourse about Chos?n-centrism is still ongoing argument under the concept of ‘Chos?n’s Sino-centrism (朝鮮中華主義)’. I would like to pay attention to that, although homeland-centrism is constructed with two aspects, which are theories of international order and culture, the Chos?n’s Sino-Centrism related discourse only discuss about culture theory aspect. Therefore, comparing Japan-centrism, which contains both culture and order parts, I will point out the problem of Chos?n’s Sino-centrism discourse has, and assert that when Han W?n-chin came up with the idea of a Chos?n-led world, Chos?n-centrism had born with both aspects of culture and order. In order to reveal the Chos?n-centrism, I will use a new concept called ‘Zhonghua Community (中華共同體)’.  相似文献   

18.
Beginning with the promotion of morality in Confucianism, a Neo-Confucian movement in modern Chinese philosophy was initiated, in which Confucianism underwent a transition from tradition to modernity. However, Moral Confucianism did not successfully develop the “new kingliness without” from its “sageliness within,” respond to modernization marked by science and democracy, and provide moral impetus for the development of a modern Chinese society or appeal to many beyond the small circle of “elite Confucianists.” The fundamental reason is that it was caught in a web of moral idealism, overemphasizing what ought to be without confronting what actually was. Translated by Huang Deyuan from Zhongguo Renmin Daxue Xuebao 中国人民大学学报 (Journal of Renmin University of China), 2006, (1): 9–15  相似文献   

19.
In his recent book, Zhuoyao Li presents one of the most pointed criticisms of Confucian democracy from a political liberal standpoint. Li’s central argument is that liberal democracy, predicated on Rawlsian political liberalism, is the only legitimate form of democracy in East Asia’s pluralist societal context. Li advances his normative argument against Confucian democracy, first by reaffirming Rawls’s public conception of morality, then shifting his point of reference from Rawls to Alessandro Ferrara, and finally, defending a multivariate democracy in East Asia’s pluralist societal context from the viewpoint of Ferrara’s idea of hyperpluralism. In this paper, I defend Confucian democracy as a viable political theory in pluralist East Asia by critiquing Li’s change of the point of reference from Rawls to Ferrara, his imposition of the condition of hyperpluralism on East Asia, and his sweeping logical framework that allows no normative space for Confucian democratic theory.  相似文献   

20.
This paper reflects on the implications of postmodern political discourse for East-Asian politics. It argues that the postmodernist deconstruction of modern epistemology and politics provides an opportunity for the reappraisal and rehabilitation of Confucianism in East Asia. First, the paper begins with an account of Cartesian epistemology which undergirds the liberal conceptions of selfhood and politics. Second, it provides a brief history of the Neo-Confucian synthesis and the resulting epistemology based on an intersubjective and ethical understanding of being human. Third, it gives an account of how East Asian thinkers have until recently tried to overcome Confucianism as a way of achieving modernity. Fourth, it attempts to show how the Heideggerian deconstruction of Cartesian epistemology reveals the intersubjective and ethical nature of Dasein which allows for a reevaluation of Confucianism. In essence, this paper describes earlier attempts by East Asians to go beyond modernity and the way they have led to detrimental consequences. It concludes that the current debate should proceed with a more careful and balanced consideration of both modernity and Confucianism.  相似文献   

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