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1.
为探讨地方政府政策执行偏差严重程度对公众地方政府责任判断的影响机制。采用问卷法对728名社会公众进行调查,结果显示:(1)公众地方政府有意性判断和公众地方政府可控归因中介了政策执行偏差严重程度与公众地方政府责任判断之间的关系。(2)政策执行偏差严重程度还通过公众地方政府有意性判断→公众地方政府可控归因的中介链作用于公众地方政府道德责任判断。并对研究的实践启示进行了讨论。  相似文献   

2.
为探讨地方政府政策执行偏差严重程度对公众地方政府责任判断的影响机制。采用问卷法对678名社会公众进行调查,结果显示:(1)地方政府政策执行偏差情境下,公众地方政府愿望判断和公众地方政府信念判断在政策执行偏差严重程度和公众地方政府责任判断之间起多重中介作用。(2)公众地方政府信念判断在政策执行偏差严重程度和公众地方政府责任判断之间的中介效应量大于公众地方政府愿望判断的中介效应量。  相似文献   

3.
《学海》2019,(2)
本文将公共危机事件划分为三种类型:丑闻、公共服务缺陷和意外事故,并运用实验的方法,考察了不同类型危机事件对政府信任不同维度的影响关系和泛化机制。结果发现:(1)丑闻、公共服务缺陷事件发生后,政府信任的能力维度和诚信维度都会受损;但丑闻对诚信的负面影响更大,公共服务缺陷对能力信任的负面影响更大;(2)丑闻和公共服务缺陷事件发生后,会造成官员角色信任受损;(3)对官员的初始信任越高或官员相似性越高,丑闻事件发生后的官员角色信任受损越大;(4)丑闻事件后,政府组织相似性越高,政府信任的诚信维度受损越大;(5)官员角色信任会向政府诚信泛化,官员角色信任受损会伤害到政府诚信;(6)官员信任受损在丑闻与官员相似性交互项、丑闻与官员初始信任交互项对政府诚信的影响关系中,发挥了中介作用。相关研究结论能够促进公共危机、公共信任领域研究的发展,并对政府实践予以一定启示。  相似文献   

4.
现代社会面临的重要问题是如何有效地促进人们之间的相互合作,达到社会公共利益的最大化。因此,有关社会困境(social dilemma)的研究成为社会心理学领域的热点。随着群体理论的发展,研究者的研究视角逐渐从个体(individual)转向群体(collective),关注层级结构的群体(hierarchical groups)中,管理者或管理机构(权威)的特征和行为对个体合作行为的影响。其中,权威信任(trust in authority)和公正感(fairness)是影响个体态度和合作行为的重要变量。政治信任(political trust)也可以看作权威信任的一种,即在社会背景下,公众对社会管理权威(政府机构)的信任。未来研究应尝试在实验室里对政治信任的作用和机制进行探究,并进一步探究公正感在政治信任对态度及合作行为关系中的中介作用。  相似文献   

5.
以850名大学生为被试,探讨日常环境中的暴力暴露与攻击行为的关系,并在此基础上提出一个有调节的中介模型,考察攻击性信念的中介作用和人际信任的调节作用。结果发现:(1)日常环境中的暴力暴露对攻击行为有显著的正向预测作用;(2)攻击性信念在日常环境中的暴力暴露与攻击行为的关系中起部分中介作用;(3)攻击性信念的中介作用会受到人际信任的调节。对于低人际信任个体,攻击性信念起部分中介作用;对于高人际信任个体,攻击性信念的中介效应不显著,日常环境中的暴力暴露对攻击行为只有直接作用。  相似文献   

6.
从社会认知理论的视角来探讨网络社会支持和网络人际信任的关系,并在此基础上提出了一个有调节的中介模型,考察网络社交效能的中介作用以及自尊的调节作用.采用整群抽样法对432名大学生进行问卷调查,结果表明:(1)网龄对网络人际信任有显著的负向预测作用;网络社会支持对网络人际信任具有显著正向预测作用;(2)网络社交效能在网络社会支持与网络人际信任的关系中起部分中介作用;(3)网络社会支持通过网络社交效能对网络人际信任的间接效应受到自尊的调节.对高自尊个体而言,网络社交效能起部分中介作用;对低自尊个体而言,网络社交效能的中介效应不显著,网络社会支持对网络人际信任只有直接作用.  相似文献   

7.
为了探讨父母自尊和青少年主观幸福感间的关系及其内在机制,本研究采用罗森伯格自尊量表、积极/消极情感量表、生活满意度量表和亲子信任关系量表,针对233对高中生及其父母进行调查。研究结果发现:(1)父母自尊与青少年主观幸福感显著正相关;(2)亲子信任在父母自尊与青少年主观幸福感之间起中介作用;(3)青少年自尊在父母自尊与青少年主观幸福感之间起中介作用;(4)亲子信任和青少年自尊在父母自尊与青少年主观幸福感之间起链式中介作用。该结果对于揭示影响青少年主观幸福感的因素,寻找到提升青少年主观幸福感的路径具有重要的理论和现实意义。  相似文献   

8.
风险社会中如何提升公众的政治信任成为焦点。以政治信任形成的终生学习理论为基础,将理性选择理论和社会文化理论相整合,探讨影响政治信任形成的因素,以及政治信任对政治合作的影响。对291名被试进行问卷调查,层次回归结果发现:政治信任在政治透明度感知、宽容度感知和政治合作之间发挥正向中介作用;在负面认知固化程度和政治合作之间发挥负向中介作用;政治氛围感知在政治信任和政治合作行为之间起调节作用。最后,对该结果形成的原因与在现实生活中的应用进行讨论,并对未来研究的发展方向进行展望。  相似文献   

9.
《学海》2017,(3):77-85
借鉴政治沟通中参与和回应理论的视角,提出一个中国网络参与下的地方政府回应的理论模型。本文的核心命题是:地方政府对问题、议程、官民关系的不同沟通机制导致不同的政府回应模式,产生相应的政府回应行为。这一理论模型为分析在网络参与这一全新背景下,中国地方政府的治理结构、政社关系、行为类型及其变化过程提供一个新的理论框架。以茂名PX事件的政府回应过程的实证研究来解读这一模型,分析了其模式特点、网络舆情、主体行为模式、作用机理以及回应效果。  相似文献   

10.
本研究在2002、2008、2011年亚洲民主调查数据的基础上探讨了差序政府信任的概念、现状以及其影响因素。研究发现:差序政府信任受到信息、文化以及政治接触等因素的共同影响。我国半开放式的媒体环境、适度而非绝对的权威取向文化环境以及民众对于基层政府在公共服务上的不满和基层民主参与的匮乏共同催生、强化了差序政府信任现象。  相似文献   

11.
由于政府信任概念的复杂性及其评价的敏感性,传统一般化的政府信任的测量难以避免评价尺度偏差或社会期望偏差。研究对647名浙江省居民进行网络问卷调查并分析,运用虚拟情境锚定法校正偏差,从而探究民众对基层政府信任现状以及影响因素。结果表明:(1)使用“虚拟情境锚定法”后,“信任”和“完全信任”的总比例为33.54%,较校正前降低了36.01%,即验证了评价尺度偏差与社会期望偏差的存在。(2)校正后的民众基层政府信任水平下降,但整体仍处于中等水平;(3)民众的基层政府信任水平受到年龄、月收入水平、政治面貌、教育程度不同程度的影响。  相似文献   

12.
胡锦涛在中共十八大上提出:必须坚持维护社会公平正义。对社会公正的认知直接决定着民众的政治信任, 进而影响民众对政府的合作。近年来频发的群体性事件即是非合作行为的典型表征。然而, 国内外研究中至今没有直接探讨社会公正与政治信任影响合作行为的实证支持, 更无法进一步揭示其作用于合作行为的过程和条件。鉴于此, 本研究将社会公正分为分配公正和程序公正, 将政治信任分为工具信任和情感信任, 采用实验室研究、现场研究和问卷调查研究相结合的方法, 探讨社会公正对合作行为的过程机制, 建立其通过工具信任和情感信任作用于合作行为的双路径模型; 并进一步分析结果依赖性对这一路径模型的调节作用。本研究有望提出社会公正与政治信任影响合作行为的双路径模型及其调节变量, 一方面在理论上深化和拓展本领域的研究, 另一方面实践中通过提升公正感、强化过程变量(政治信任)、干预调节变量(结果依赖性)等策略促进合作行为。  相似文献   

13.
Prior research has shown that church attendance affects voting participation, but has a negative or no effect on more demanding forms of political participation. I argue that this differential for nonelectoral activity partially results from biases in how scholars conceptualize and analyze church attendance variables. To properly measure the influence of church attendance on nonelectoral participation, scholarship needs to account for self-selection biases that hinder accurate analyses. Consistent with the literature, a selection model finds that once fundamentalism's motivating effect is considered, church attendance plays no role in a respondent's participation in local government meetings. The present work provides a partial explanation for why attendance has no effect on more demanding political activity. These findings demonstrate that scholarship should focus attention on prior factors that influence congregants' attendance decisions.  相似文献   

14.
This study investigates interfaith groups from across the United States to understand how these religious settings may serve as mediating structures to facilitate individual political action. Based on a multilevel modeling analysis with 169 individuals from 25 interfaith groups, we found that core activities of the group, such as group members sharing community information (e.g., announcing upcoming events, political meetings, community issues) or sharing religious information (e.g., educating members about their religion) positively and negatively predicted individual political action as a result of group participation, respectively. Moreover, a sense that the interfaith group served as a community to work for local change, but not trust within the group, predicted political action as a result of group participation. However, this effect for a sense the group served as a community to work for local change was stronger and more positive as the degree of community information sharing in the group increased. These results show that a core activity of sharing community information may enhance the ability of a group to mediate political action. Overall, these findings demonstrate the potential role of interfaith groups to mediate political action, and show the importance of considering both individual and group characteristics when understanding these religious settings. Limitations and directions for future research are also discussed.  相似文献   

15.
The present study examines partisan reactions to presidential election outcomes. Our model investigates the interactive role of political party affiliation on the relationship between identification with the winning party and affect balance. We subsequently examine how tax compliance intentions are influenced by this moderation relationship through affect balance and trust in government. We conducted a quasi-experiment one week prior to the first mass 2016 presidential primary, where 12 of the 50 US states voted to decide which candidates would represent the Republican and Democratic parties in the 2016 US presidential election. Our sample consisted of 205 Republicans and Democrats. We manipulated press releases showing various presidential candidates winning the presidency to examine how matches / mismatches between partisans’ political party affiliation and the party winning the election influence citizens’ overall feelings, beliefs, and intentions. We find election outcomes generate significant overall positive or negative feelings (i.e., affect balance) among partisans, which influences beliefs about trust in government, and subsequently their tax compliance intentions. Political party moderates the relationship between election outcomes and affect balance in such a way that Democrats experience greater overall positive affect balance when their party wins the election compared to Republicans.  相似文献   

16.
This study investigates interfaith groups from across the United States to understand how these religious settings may serve as mediating structures to facilitate individual political action. Based on a multilevel modeling analysis with 169 individuals from 25 interfaith groups, we found that core activities of the group, such as group members sharing community information (e.g., announcing upcoming events, political meetings, community issues) or sharing religious information (e.g., educating members about their religion) positively and negatively predicted individual political action as a result of group participation, respectively. Moreover, a sense that the interfaith group served as a community to work for local change, but not trust within the group, predicted political action as a result of group participation. However, this effect for a sense the group served as a community to work for local change was stronger and more positive as the degree of community information sharing in the group increased. These results show that a core activity of sharing community information may enhance the ability of a group to mediate political action. Overall, these findings demonstrate the potential role of interfaith groups to mediate political action, and show the importance of considering both individual and group characteristics when understanding these religious settings. Limitations and directions for future research are also discussed.  相似文献   

17.
本研究采用心理和谐的框架,分析5·12汶川地震受灾地区居民的社会心理状况与居民对中央及地方两级政府救灾措施的满意度之间关系。一般受灾地区、重灾区和极重灾区的9个县市1385名居民参加问卷调查。层次回归分析的结果发表明,地震灾区居民对地方政府的满意程度对其心理和谐的影响力更大;地方政府满意度在中央政府满意度和心理和谐之间起部分中介作用。最后指出该研究对各级政府开展抗震救灾和灾后重建工作的启示意义  相似文献   

18.
楚啸原  刘珂  理原  雷雳 《心理科学》2021,(1):134-140
基于技术接受模型考察了网络游戏中虚拟商品感知易用性对其使用意愿的影响,以及感知有用性、玩家神经质在其中的作用。采用虚拟商品使用意愿问卷、感知易用性问卷、感知有用性问卷和大五人格量表神经质分量表对559名有过网络游戏经验的大学生进行调查。结果显示:(1)虚拟商品的感知易用性可显著正向预测使用意愿;感知有用性在两者间起中介作用;(2)虚拟商品感知有用性的中介作用受到玩家神经质的调节:对于低神经质的玩家,该间接效应显著;而对于高神经质的玩家,该间接效应不显著。  相似文献   

19.
Previous studies of religion on civic and political participation focus primarily on Western Christian societies. Studies of Muslim societies concentrate on Islamic religiosity's effect on attitudes toward democracy, not on how Muslim religious participation carries over into social and political arenas. This article examines the relationship between religion and civic engagement in nine Muslim‐majority countries using data from the World Values Surveys. I find that active participation in Muslim organizations is associated with greater civic engagement, while religious service attendance is not. In a subset of countries, daily prayer is associated with less civic engagement. The main area in which Muslim societies differ from Western ones is in the lack of association between civic engagement, trust, and tolerance. Religious participation is a more significant predictor of secular engagement than commonly used “social capital” measures, suggesting a need to adapt measures of religiosity to account for differences in religious expression across non‐Christian faiths.  相似文献   

20.
Parochial altruism refers to the propensity to direct prosocial behavior toward members of one's own ingroup to a greater extent than toward those outside one's group. Both theory and empirical research suggest that parochialism may be linked to political ideology, with conservatives more likely than liberals to exhibit ingroup bias in altruistic behavior. The present study, conducted in the United States and Italy, tested this relationship in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic, assessing willingness to contribute money to charities at different levels of inclusiveness—local versus national versus international. Results indicated that conservatives contributed less money overall and were more likely to limit their contribution to the local charity while liberals were significantly more likely to contribute to national and international charities, exhibiting less parochialism. Conservatives and liberals also differed in social identification and trust, with conservatives higher in social identity and trust at the local and national levels and liberals higher in global social identity and trust in global others. Differences in global social identity partially accounted for the effects of political ideology on donations.  相似文献   

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