中国式民主如何可能——毛泽东延安时期的探索与启示

延安时期毛泽东立足于中国的实际和中国的问题思考中国需要什么民主以及如何建设民主。这是毛泽东“中国化”思维方式在民主问题上的自觉。它给当前中国如何实现民主的中国化,进而推动中国式民主的生成提供了方法论启示。     

毛泽东延安时期文艺普及思想的政治图解

延安时期毛泽东的文艺普及思想不仅是一种文艺主张,更是一种文化政治理念。它在毛泽东对中国左翼文艺运动史及延安文艺现状的审慎分析之后出场,以走进民众作为政治方向,而提升民众则是其政治目标。在实行这一思想后,毛泽东关注了来自文艺普及实践的政治反馈。如何改造和团结民众尤其是农民,这是延安时期毛泽东始终在考虑的问题。     

毛泽东早期革命美术思想与延安"鲁艺"的创立

被誉为"革命文艺的摇篮"的延安"鲁艺",不仅在中国艺术发展史上谱写了独具特色的辉煌篇章,更为抗日的民族解放事业作出了巨大贡献.延安"鲁艺"的创立缘起,既是当时为了抗战培养文艺干部的需要,更与毛泽东早期革命美术思想的形成密不可分.纵观毛泽东革命美术观念的确立及其态度的转变,会发现毛泽东在青年时期还未能意识到美术的政治功能,但随着革命事业的深入及其革命经验的积累,毛泽东逐步认识到了美术在革命宣传中的功能,进而确立了他在延安时期要求文艺为工农兵服务的思想.     

延安时期的天主教和基督教

以毛泽东同志为代表的第一代党的领导集体,把马克思主义宗教观与中国革命的具体实践相结合,正确地制定了公民宗教信仰自由的政策和对宗教界的统一战线政策,很好地解决了宗教工作为各个革命时期党的中心任务服务的问题。本文仅就延安时期天主教、基督教的有关情况作一简要介绍。一、进行正常的宗教活动红军长征到达陕北后,很快建立了以延安为中心的抗日民主革命根据地。１９３７年抗日民族统一战线建立后,成立了陕甘宁边区抗日政府,辖２０多个县,１５０多万人。这里虽然交通闭塞、经济文化落后,但天主教、基督教的传人历史都非常久远…     

马克思主义哲苑的奇葩——评介《毛泽东哲学批注集》的重要哲学观点

中共中央文献研究室同其他单位合作编辑的《毛泽东哲学批注集》,是十一届三中全会以来出版的关于毛泽东哲学著作的一部专集。它收入了毛泽东在延安时期和建国以后研读10本哲学书籍写的批注、1篇读书摘录和1篇读书日记,记载了毛泽东从30年代到60年代的一些哲学思考,这对于研究毛泽东哲学思想的形成和发展有重要的理论价值和文献价值。这里着重对这本书中的一些重要哲学观点作简要评介。     

“国家各方面的关系都要协商”——民主革命时期毛泽东协商民主思想论析

新时代坚持走中国特色社会主义政治发展道路，必须积极发展全过程人民民主，“推进协商民主广泛多层制度化发展”则是其中一个重要部署。毛泽东作为中国共产党的第一代领导核心，是中国协商民主的重要开拓者。毛泽东对中国协商民主发展道路的思考及探索，主要体现在党的建设、军队建设、群众工作与政党政治等四个方面。这是协商民主由(党)内而(党)外的广泛多层制度化发展思路，具体化为党内协商民主、军事协商民主、党群协商民主、党际协商民主四个实践形态，最终形成“国家各方面的关系都要协商”的深刻认识，对于新时代中国协商民主制度优势转化为国家治理效能有着重要的启示意义。     

“延安时期”的历史形象在绘画中的表现与塑造

延安是中国革命的圣地,中国共产党人在此经历了13年的革命抗战事业,延安时期的历史形象是绘画创作中的重要一部分,它随着中国社会的变迁而发展。以延安时期的历史形象在绘画中的刻画为中心,对新中国成立前、"十七年"时期和新时期三个阶段予以分析,研究它们不同时期在绘画中的创作特点,以期对延安历史题材的绘画创作有一个深度剖析。     

毛泽东掌握和发挥历史主动的思想及其当代价值

毛泽东掌握和发挥历史主动的思想对中国革命和建设产生了重大影响,在不同时期呈现出不同的理论图景。青年毛泽东在对各种思潮的比较下,最终选择了马克思主义,找到了掌握历史主动的科学理论。新民主主义革命时期,毛泽东通过推动马克思主义中国化、加强党的建设、总结历史经验和规律,推动中国共产党把握革命时期的历史主动。社会主义革命和建设时期,毛泽东为掌握历史主动接续努力,既有正面经验,也有反面教训。考察毛泽东掌握和发挥历史主动的思想,具有重要的当代价值。     

毛泽东哲学思想深层逻辑反思——兼评诺曼·莱文《辩证法的内部对话》

《实践论》《矛盾论》(以下简称“两论”)是毛泽东在革命战争时期完成的两篇哲学论文 ,准确地把握“两论”的精神实质 ,对于正确理解毛泽东及其思想① ,特别是作为一般性理论基础的哲学思想无疑是极为关键的。所以 ,当诺曼·莱文在《辩证法的内部对话》② 一书中把目光投向毛泽东所领导的中国革命与延安道路的时候 ,他所做的一项重要工作就是以一位西方学者的特有的理论视角去进行了他本人对于“两论”的诠释与注解。一毛泽东的历史和政治生涯正好处在现代史上最动荡的年代 ,他的文字生涯大约有 6 0年 ,期间他写了大量的个人文献。在这样的…     

社会主义与人民民主的“双重互构”逻辑——毛泽东“民主新路”探索及其新时代启示

建国后毛泽东对"民主新路"的战略探索是连续而系统的,展现了独特的理论逻辑。依据毛泽东关于"民主新路"的话语表达和历史实践,这一理论逻辑可作如下概括:社会主义与人民民主本质上属于"双重互构"的关系,一方面,人民民主必须建立在社会主义的经济基础之上,由此才能避免把民主当作各种利益集团获取政治领导权的博弈过程;另一方面,社会主义国家的治理体系必须充分体现人民民主,由此才能实现"人类解放"这一社会主义的应有价值。从这一理论逻辑去理解毛泽东的"民主新路"战略探索,对于新时代中国特色社会主义坚持"以人民为中心"的发展思想具有重要的启示意义。     

刍议恽代英精神

恽代英精神有着丰富的内涵,它集中体现在以下几个方面：爱国主义精神、为人民服务的精神、为崇高理想而奋斗的精神和追求真理、发展真理的精神。这种精神是对中华传统民族精神的升华,是毛泽东精神的组成部分,是21世纪中国人民继续奋发图强实现民族伟大复兴的精神动力。     

Early Confucian Principles: the Potential Theoretic Foundation of Democracy in Modern China

The subtle and complex relation between Confucianism and modern democracy has long been a controversial issue, and it is now again becoming a topical issue in the process of political modernization in contemporary China. This paper argues that there are some quite basic early Confucian values and principles that are not only compatible with democracy, but also may become the theoretic foundation of modern democracy in China. Early Confucianism considers ‘the people's will’ as the direct representative of ‘Heaven's will’, with which it legitimizes political power. Confucian theory of ‘human nature is good’ endorses equal potential good for every man. These principles can be used in reasoning towards a system of democracy. In terms of decision-making, the Confucian ‘Doctrine of the Mean’ accords with certain democratic principles. The independent personality and committed individualism advocated by early Confucianism is a required civic merit in a democratic society. These fundamental Confucian principles, through contemporary hermeneutics, may provide a philosophic grounding for democracy and support the construction of a democratic system with a Chinese dimension. To get democracy rooted in the spirit of traditional Chinese culture will benefit the healthy and smooth development of democracy in China.     

势·理·事:马克思主义哲学中国化的必由之路

The process of Marxist philosophy Sinicization embodies the unity of momentum (Shi) and the reason (Li) of Chinese society.The intellectuals who stand for the spirit of Chinese era,not only conceived the reason (Li) of Marxist philosophy Sinicization but also changed the Chinese situation through applying the reason (Li).The philosophies of Mao Ze-dong and Deng Xiao-ping were the outcome of the process.At the same time,the problems of Marxist philosophy arose from the events (Shi) which have happened in the...     

艾思奇对马克思主义哲学中国化的突出贡献

论文力图对艾思奇来延安后为确立毛泽东思想的指导地位而作的贡献进行研究;并以此为前提,分别阐述他在哲学通俗化基础上实现哲学中国化和编写中国化马克思主义哲学教材的开创性贡献。笔者认为,重温这些贡献,对于当前进一步实现马克思主义中国化是有启迪意义的。     

Educational struggles and political community in South Africa

Democracy is often said to rest on some form of deeper argument, some self-understanding amongst people as belonging to a common political community. This paper explores this issue in the situation of South Africa. The policies of Apartheid have left a legacy of a morally fractured society with little by way of a shared moral discourse, and the paper raises the question of whether the concepts of democracy and community which emerged out of educational struggles in South Africa might provide a basis for the development of a shared moral discourse. The answer provided in the paper is that, although such concepts cannot provide the basis for democracy at a national level, they do provide some hints of how schools might contribute to the emergence of a shared moral discourse, and, thus, the starting point for building a unified political community.     

商讨理论视野中的伦理、民主、人权和民族国家

本文根据哈贝马斯的访华演讲和相关著述,对商讨理论视野中的伦理、民主、人权和民族国家概念进行了考察,并在此基础上提出了某些基本的判断和论点。     

Confucian Democracy as Pragmatic Experiment: Uniting Love of Learning and Love of Antiquity

This paper argues for the pragmatic construction of Confucian democracy by showing that Chinese philosophers who wish to see Confucianism flourish again as a positive dimension of Chinese civilization need to approach it pragmatically and democratically, otherwise their love of the past is at the expense of something else Confucius held in equal esteem, love of learning. Chinese philosophers who desire democracy for China would do well to learn from the earlier failures of the iconoclastic Westernizers, and realize that a Chinese democracy cannot come about by ignoring or dismissing such an important part of China's history, its Confucian tradition. The best chances for democracy in China lie in transforming that tradition without destroying it. Eagerness to learn from others must be united with a proper appreciation of one's own past to nurture democracy as a way of life.     

案例教学的医学伦理学再造

我国医学伦理学采用案例教学法已经有二十余年的历史了。在此期间,案例教学得到了一定的发展,却也受到了诸多因素的限制。当前,中国医学伦理学的案例教学朝哪里去、怎么去等一系列新的问题摆在我们面前,这些问题必须依赖于加强我国医学伦理学软件环境的建设并对案例教学进行医学伦理学的再造方能加以解决。     

A world from brave to new: Talcott Parsons and the war effort at Harvard University.

This article argues that for Parsons and some of his colleagues at Harvard, the Second World War and the post-war period provided a context in which their work contributed to the transformation from totalitarianism to democracy in Central Europe (especially Germany) and Japan. The various agendas of Parsons' work are shown, supplemented by that of three of his colleagues with whom he collaborated (Gordon W. Allport, Carl J. Friedrich, Clyde Kluckhohn). The immediate effect of this work, for Parsons, however, meant frustration rather than fame, and his eventual reputation, I maintain, came unexpectedly with the third of his three attempts in the immediate post-war period to sum up what he believed were crucial insights that the Second World War had yielded concerning the ways in which sociology could contribute to the analytical understanding of democracy. The significance of this work is that it was both political and scientific. Because of the world situation of the 1940s, when the Holocaust in Germany was the nadir of civilization, Parsons believed that social science could contribute to the cause of making the world safe for future democracy. In the 1940s, this future depended on brave citizens, or such might have been Parsons' worldview. Targets envisaged for the 1950s, then, were community and citizenship in the newly democratic societies such as (West) Germany, the land that defeated Nazism.     

Political Legitimacy,the Egalitarian Challenge,and Democracy

This article argues against the claim that democracy is a necessary condition of political legitimacy. Instead, I propose a weaker set of conditions. First, I explain the case for the necessity of democracy. This is that only democracy can address the ‘egalitarian challenge’, i.e. ‘if we are all equal, why should only some of us wield political power?’. I show that if democracy really is a necessary condition of political legitimacy, then (what I label) the problems of domestic justice and of international legitimacy become intractable. I then argue that the egalitarian challenge is addressed where the requirements of (1) horizontal equality, (2) acceptable vertical inequality, and (3) publicity, are met and where (4) citizens have some institutionalized opportunity for a voice in decisions. I show that these conditions can be realized in non‐democratic form and conclude by explaining how the four conditions can be employed to make the problems of domestic justice and of international legitimacy more tractable. Overall, my ambitions are limited. I do not offer an all‐things‐considered case against democracy but I do show that (some) forms of non‐democratic government are permissible.