Processing doubly quantified sentences: Evidence from eye movements |
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Authors: | Email author" target="_blank">Ruth?FilikEmail author Kevin?B?Paterson Simon?P?Liversedge |
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Institution: | (1) Language Research Group, Institute for IT Research Auckland University of Technology Auckland, 1020, New Zealand |
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Abstract: | We investigated the processing of doubly quantified sentences, such asKelly showed a photo to every critic, that are ambiguous as to whether the indefinite (a photo) specifies single or multiple referents. Ambiguity resolution requires the computation of relative quantifier scope: Whether
a or every takes wide scope, thereby determining how many entities or events are to be represented. In an eye-tracking experiment,
we manipulated quantifier order and whether continuations were singular or plural, for constructions with the direct or the
indirect object occurring first. We obtained effects consistent with the on-line processing of relative scope at the doubly
quantified phrase and considered two possible explanations for a preference for singular continuations to the quantified sentence.
We conclude that relative quantifier scope is computed on line during reading but may not be a prerequisite for the resolution
of definite anaphors, unless required by secondary tasks. |
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