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This article builds upon and expands an earlier research project on the moral panic that surrounded the Harry Potter books and movies from 1997 through the first decade of the twenty-first century. Soulliere focused on the publications and public pronouncements of religious groups and leaders, media, and research organizations linked together by “the promotion of traditional values and a conservative ideology as well as a Judeo-Christian worldview, primacy of the family, and emphases on biblical foundations and authority” (Soulliere paragraph 14), which he refers to as the Christian Right. The current study seeks to discover the degree to which, if any, this moral panic extended beyond the Christian Right into the pulpits of mainstream Protestant denominations.  相似文献   
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Using the 2008 National Politics Study, the present study indicates that while African Americans are more likely than whites to hear sermons about poverty and other political issues, hearing such sermons more consistently associates with support for anti‐poverty government programs among non‐Hispanic whites than among both African Americans and Hispanics. The racially/ethnically marginalized status of blacks and Hispanics may contribute to these groups being more receptive than whites to religious messages emphasizing social inequality. The contrasting racial experiences of dominance and marginalization may also help explain why hearing politicized sermons is more meaningful to the progressive social welfare attitudes of whites than to African Americans and Hispanics. This expectation is rooted in the heightened variability of perspectives among whites and their religious organizations regarding the government's role in aiding the economically disadvantaged. Conversely, the vast majority of blacks and Hispanics support the government helping individuals who fallen upon hard times. The greater variability in opinion among whites may also allow for greater differences in opinion to emerge between whites who attend relative to those outside of religious congregations led by clergy emphasizing spiritual and political solidarity with the poor than is the case for African Americans and Hispanics.  相似文献   
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In early-modern Scotland various religious writings addressed dying, death, burial, or funerals. The intention was to further the aims of the Scottish reformers to correct what they perceived to be superstition or idolatry, and to align the burial service explicitly to the Reformed ideal. This was not straightforward, however, and in the late-sixteenth and seventeenth centuries many writings reaffirmed the new forms of ministry to the dying and burial. Attempts were also made to educate the population directly, through the production of works in the ars moriendi tradition, although considered from a Reformed Protestant perspective. Both genres were influenced by external material, particularly from England, but also from Geneva. Finally, the difficulties of the reform are highlighted in the fact that in the seventeenth century several funeral sermons were printed in violation of prohibitions. This article engages with the publications employed in Scotland on the reform of death rites, burial, and funerals, and highlights the continuing process in the seventeenth century.  相似文献   
4.
We use the 2020/2021 National Politics Study to examine two central questions: 1. How do religious beliefs and clergy sermons about race associate with support for Black Lives Matter (BLM) and racial justice work? And 2. Is the relationship between religion and BLM-related attitudes and activism similar or different across race groups? We found the following: In the months following the summer of 2020 protests in response to George Floyd's murder, African, Hispanic, and White American worship goers who heard sermons about race and policing were more likely than were their co-ethnics to approve of BLM and to engage in racial justice work. Identifying with the religious left and believing that social justice is a core part of one's religaious beliefs is also associated with these groups approving of BLM and engaging in racial justice work. That said, race matters. These forms of religion tend to maintain stronger relationships with White BLM-related attitudes and activism than they do for African Americans and Hispanics.  相似文献   
5.
This article focuses on the remarks of Conrad Badius – in the preface to his publication of Plusieurs sermons of Calvin's – about the ‘vehemence’ of sermons relating to the Lord's Supper. By comparing two of Badius's prefaces in editions of Calvin's sermons, it becomes clear that he chose his words intentionally. On examining here the rhetorical background of vehementia/véheménce, its use in the final part of Calvin's sermons is clarified. Some contemporary witnesses to Calvin's habit are cited. Moreover, in light of the role of vehemence in Calvin's preaching in general, it is shown that the context of the preparation for the sacrament and its celebration prompted Calvin to preach even more vigorously. The outcome is that Badius's comments on Calvin's preaching underline the vital importance of the Lord's Supper for the Reformer, a sacrament which required intensive and sanctifying preparation.  相似文献   
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ABSTRACT

After examining recent literature on the information-seeking behavior of clergy and the use of the Internet in parish ministry, this article reports on a survey of approximately 200 parish ministers. Clergy were asked whether they used the Internet to gather information for sermon preparation and/or denominational awareness. The survey is analyzed regarding specific types of information sought, and the results are compared to a recent national survey on Internet use. An annotated list of those web resources that proved most useful to survey respondents is provided.  相似文献   
7.
Social scientists have long been interested in how intergroup contact or elite messaging can reduce or eliminate racial biases. To better understand the role of religious elites in these political questions, we show how a church location's income and racial characteristics interact with racial and economic ideologies to shape the political content of sermons. Testing our theories through both quantitative and qualitative analysis of an original data set of more than 102,000 sermons from more than 5200 pastors, we show that contact is only effective as a means of decreasing prejudice to the extent that actors—in our case, pastors—are ideologically capable of reconciling their potential role in economic inequality. White Evangelical pastors rarely preach about issues of poverty or racial justice overall, but the context of the preaching matters. We find that the greater the share of Black population there is in a church community, the less likely White Evangelical pastors are to mention issues of poverty or racial justice, and when they do mention it, they hold to ideological commitments that avoid blaming systems for racialized economic inequality.  相似文献   
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The 2008 U.S. Presidential election provides the context for an examination of the information behavior of Christian clergy members engaged in the regular task of preparing and delivering a religious message. The research project sought to explore the nature of political cue giving by clergy members within the message of the weekly sermon and to do so at a greater depth of analysis than previously accomplished. The paper reports on an occurrence of serendipitous juxtaposition, the coincidental connection between particular data sets and current events, which provides a helpful interpretative framework for an extended research agenda focused on the information behavior of religious leaders. The paper contributes to the literature on the information behavior of religious leaders; particularly in the use of the information resource knows as the Revised Common Lectionary. The paper also contributes to the literature on the nature of political cue giving by religious leaders.  相似文献   
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