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1.
In contrast to the opinion of numerous authors (e.g. R. Rudner, P. Kitcher, L. R. Graham, M. Dummett, N. Chomsky, R. Lewontin, etc.) it is argued here that the formation of opinion in science should be greatly insulated from political considerations. Special attention is devoted to the view that methodological standards for evaluation of scientific theories ought to vary according to the envisaged political uses of these theories.I wish to thank the Alexander von Humboldt Foundation for having supported the work on this paper.  相似文献   
2.
This article focuses on the shift in sensitivities that took place between the 1980s and 2019 toward psychological suffering in Algeria. Promoters of psychotherapy showed an increase in receptivity—via the media, public authorities, and the general population—to their practices and discourses during this period. Based on professional literature, interviews with psychologists, psychiatrists, and psychoanalysts, and newspaper articles and essays, this article considers the following aspects: the use of psychotherapy, the authority of psychoanalytic/psychopathological analyses, and the ethics of relation in politics. Taking a social and cultural history of politics approach, it traces the discontinuous politicization of psychotherapy over the course of events (namely the uprising of 1988, the civil war of the 1990s, and the 2019 popular movement) and examines the interactions between the state, popular mobilizations, and the psychotherapists. The civil war of the 1990s coincided with the normalization of “trauma” on a global scale, and procedures for the prevention of posttraumatic stress disorder were put in place in Algeria from 1997 onwards. In this process of legitimizing psychological suffering and its treatment, the promoters of psychotherapy who belonged to the less visible margins gained authority. The year-long protest movement (2019) against the regime performed the ethics of relation, focusing on human relations, reflexivity, and living together. Promoters of psychotherapy identified consistently with the political subjectivities produced within the 2019 popular movement characterized by massive pacifist marches against the regime.  相似文献   
3.
Racial reckoning is defined as the subjugation of Black, Indigenous, and people of Color (BIPOC) to racial hierarchies and subordinate groups that influence multiple well-being outcomes throughout the developmental lifespan and across generations. With the two pandemics of racial reckoning and COVID-19 amidst a growing controversial political landscape, topics around civic engagement have been brought to the forefront of community conversation. Discussions surrounding civic engagement must go beyond addressing issues of public concern and examine the vehicle in which civic engagement may be delivered. This is becoming increasingly important as civic engagement is one of the main avenues of social change through individual and collective action, particularly regarding racial reckoning and healthcare disparities highlighted by COVID-19. The paper focuses on civic engagement among ethnic minority youth and young adults. An integrated model of civic engagement was created based off what was learned through this review. This proposed model of civic engagement is meant to be the first step to addressing the gap in civic engagement literature for ethnic minority youth. Weaknesses and future considerations regarding the model will also be discussed, as well as any implications for ethnic minority youth and young adults.  相似文献   
4.
Research shows that parents have a strong influence on the party preferences of their children. Yet little is known about how such preferences are transmitted in multiparty systems with weak party identification and high electoral volatility. We propose a model of intergenerational transmission that includes both direct effects of parents' party preferences on those of their children, as well as indirect effects through left–right and issue positions. We test this model with original survey data of Dutch adolescents (14–20 years old) and their parents (N = 751 adolescent-parent pairs). We find two paths through which parents exert influence on the party preferences of their adolescent children. On the first path, parental party preferences function as a direct predictor of adolescent party preferences. On the second path, adolescent left–right and issue positions function as a mediator between parental left–right and issue positions and adolescent party preferences, with the effect of left–right positions being stronger than that of issue positions. The frequency with which adolescents discuss political topics with their parents moderates these effects.  相似文献   
5.
Asian Americans are lauded as the model minority who are intelligent and industrious. Simultaneously, they are deemed as perpetual foreigners. The current research examines how racial microaggressions expressed by a White American source toward an Asian American target affect perceptions of the perpetrator and target. White Americans and Asian Americans read about an interaction between two college students, where the racial microaggression made was either an ambiguous expression of the model minority myth (MMM; all studies), an ambiguous perpetual foreigner stereotype (all studies), an unambiguous MMM (all studies), or no racial bias (Studies 2 and 3). Findings indicate that both Whites and Asian Americans respond differently—when exposed to the aforementioned conditions—regarding perceived racism of the White perpetrator and appropriateness of response by the Asian American target; however, they respond similarly regarding perceived legitimacy of collective action by the target. Nevertheless, Whites and Asian Americans deemed the ambiguous microaggression against the target as a model minority not racist relative to unambiguous MMM. Our findings show that ambiguous forms of bias toward Asian Americans go “under the radar” of both Whites and Asian Americans as being racist and contribute to the maintenance of the racial status quo.  相似文献   
6.
People hold different perspectives about how they think the world is changing or should change. We examined five of these “worldviews” about change: Progress, Golden Age, Endless Cycle, Maintenance, and Balance. In Studies 1–4 (total N = 2733) we established reliable measures of each change worldview, and showed how these help explain when people will support or oppose social change in contexts spanning sustainability, technological innovations, and political elections. In mapping out these relationships we identify how the importance of different change worldviews varies across contexts, with Balance most critical for understanding support for sustainability, Progress/Golden Age important for understanding responses to innovations, and Golden Age uniquely important for preferring Trump/Republicans in the 2016 US election. These relationships were independent of prominent individual differences (e.g., values, political orientation for elections) or context-specific factors (e.g., self-reported innovativeness for responses to innovations). Study 5 (N = 2140) examined generalizability in 10 countries/regions spanning five continents, establishing that these worldviews exhibited metric invariance, but with country/region differences in how change worldviews were related to support for sustainability. These findings show that change worldviews can act as a general “lens” people use to help determine whether to support or oppose social change.  相似文献   
7.
《Behavior Therapy》2023,54(2):418-426
Childhood behavior problems are one of the most common clinical referrals. If left untreated, these behaviors can result in detrimental consequences to the child’s development (Wehmeier et al., 2010; Scholtens et al., 2012). Behavior parent training has been identified as first-line treatment for oppositional behavior; however, many racial minority families fail to enroll in behavior parent training. The current study examines maternal help-seeking for children displaying oppositional behavior in hopes to delineate variables that might influence parent training enrollment among African American families. Participants were 112 African American mothers who were provided child behavior vignettes and completed measures assessing factors related to problem recognition, parental attributions, child rearing values, mental health stigmatization, racial identity, and treatment utilization. Results found that when presented with a child displaying clinically significant externalizing child behaviors, slightly more than half of African American mothers recognized clinically significant child behavior problems. Mothers were more likely to engage in behavioral parent training if problematic behavior was recognized. Additionally, mothers’ attributions of child behavior, cultural values, and mental health stigmatization were influential to help seeking. This study supports the importance of considering cultural variables that impact problem recognition and subsequent treatment utilization among African American families.  相似文献   
8.
论文基于自我控制的强度模型,研究了组织政治环境作为情境因素影响领导者公正准则遵从的作用机制和边界条件。对来自某国有商业银行73位网点主任连续10个工作日的570个经验取样法的数据分析结果发现:(1)在个体内层次,领导者组织政治感知提高了自我耗竭,领导者职位任期削弱了该正向关系。(2)个体内层次自我耗竭对公正准则遵从的作用取决于个体间层次领导身份认同的程度:当领导身份认同较高时,二者关系为正;当领导身份认同较低时,二者关系为负。(3)当领导者职位任期较短且领导身份认同较高时,组织政治感知通过自我耗竭促进公正准则遵从;当职位任期较短且领导身份认同较低时,组织政治感知通过自我耗竭阻碍公正准则遵从。上述研究结论将公正准则遵从的前因研究从行为者中心视角拓展到情境中心视角,率先研究了组织政治感知的个体内变化及其影响,同时增进了对自我耗竭作用机制和边界条件的认识。  相似文献   
9.
Ian G. Barbour 《Zygon》1996,31(1):101-110
Abstract. Both Roger Shinn and Robert Stivers ask whether technology has a momentum of its own that is difficult if not impossible to control (“autonomous technology” or “technological inevitability”). I reply that the difficulty in controlling technology is a product of economic and political institutions (such as corporate lobbying and campaign contributions) rather than of any inherent characteristics of technology. Against Stivers's assertion that the ecosystem should be the center of value in environmental ethics, I defend the process view that all beings are valuable, but they are not equally valuable in their richness of experience or their contribution to the experience of others. I also consider his caveats about ambiguities in the concept of sustainability. Two questions raised by Mary Gerhart are taken up: the difficulties of interdisciplinary writing and the role of theological ethics in discussions of public policy. In dialogue with Frederick Ferre I explore the role of alternative visions of the good life as a source of social change. In the face of diminished concern about social justice and environmental sustainability among citizens and in Congress since the book was written, I express long-range hope, but not optimism about the short-term prospects for change.  相似文献   
10.
Subjects were 288 adolescents and adults with end-stage renal disease who were candidates for kidney transplantation, a group identified at risk for noncompliance. The purpose was to examine racial and ethnic variations in coping—variables that may underlie noncompliance and impact upon health outcome. Secondarily, the relationship between depression and particular styles of coping was investigated. Race/Ethnicity was divided into three categories: Black/Non-Hispanic, White/Non-Hispanic, and Hispanic. Coping and depression were assessed using the COPE and Beck Depression Inventory, respectively. Results indicated that Hispanic and Black subjects were more likely to use maladaptive styles of coping and less likely to use adaptive coping than were White subjects and that Black subjects reported more physical symptoms of depression. These findings point to possible mechanisms underlying the occurrence of noncompliance and resulting poorer health outcome for individuals of different racial and ethnic groups.  相似文献   
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