Stolen elections: How conspiracy beliefs during the 2020 American presidential elections changed over time

Conspiracy beliefs have been studied mostly through cross-sectional designs. We conducted a five-wave longitudinal study (N = 376; two waves before and three waves after the 2020 American presidential elections) to examine if the election results influenced specific conspiracy beliefs and conspiracy mentality, and whether effects differ between election winners (i.e., Biden voters) versus losers (i.e., Trump voters) at the individual level. Results revealed that conspiracy mentality kept unchanged over 2 months, providing first evidence that this indeed is a relatively stable trait. Specific conspiracy beliefs (outgroup and ingroup conspiracy beliefs) did change over time, however. In terms of group-level change, outgroup conspiracy beliefs decreased over time for Biden voters but increased for Trump voters. Ingroup conspiracy beliefs decreased over time across all voters, although those of Trump voters decreased faster. These findings illuminate how specific conspiracy beliefs are, and conspiracy mentality is not, influenced by an election event.     

SEVERE CLASSROOM BEHAVIOR PROBLEMS: TEACHERS OR COUNSELLORS

This experiment was designed to determine the relative effectiveness of teacher and counselling approaches in the reduction of disruptive or inappropriate classroom behavior. Inappropriate classroom behavior frequencies of 12 academically low achieving, seventh-grade, black male students, with a reported high rate of inappropriate classroom behavior, were recorded. Three groups, with nearly equal mean inappropriate behaviors, were randomly assigned to one of three treatment conditions: behavioral counselling, client-centered counselling, or no counselling. Each counselling group received fifteen 30-minute counselling sessions, at a rate of two to three times a week. In addition to counselling, all students subsequently received teacher approval within the classroom. Results indicated that the teacher was able to reduce inappropriate behavior more than any counselling group. There were also indications that behavioral counselling, but not client-centered counselling, was moderately helpful in reducing inappropriate classroom behavior.     

God and Country: The Partisan Psychology of the Presidency,Religion, and Nation

Overt love of God and country have seemingly been prerequisites to be president in the United States in recent decades, if not always. Indeed, the 2008 presidential race was replete with campaign messages showcasing such perspectives—that Barack Obama and John McCain were religiously faithful and deeply patriotic. Scholarship demonstrates the potential political power of explicit appeals to America and Christianity; however, little research has examined (a) citizens' perceptions of candidates' ties to faith and nation and (b) how these impressions may be related to electoral attitudes and intended vote. We address this gap, measuring both explicit and implicit indicators of the Christian‐ness and American‐ness of Obama and McCain. We expected and found that both explicit and—in a final‐entry regression position—implicit perceptions of these traits related to voters' overall candidate attitudes and intended vote choice and that they were connected significantly more strongly for our sample of self‐described Republicans than Democrats. Results illuminate these partisan differences and raise questions about their implications for U.S. presidential politics in years to come.     

Parenting and Adolescent Grandiose Narcissism: Mediation through Independent Self-Construal and Need for Positive Approval

While particular parenting styles and parenting qualities have been linked to adolescent narcissistic tendencies, their association is likely indirect. Parents aim to indoctrinate adolescents with dispositional tendencies, such as self-confidence independence and a focus on peer acceptance, which incidentally manifest in narcissism. The authors investigated whether mothers' and fathers' positive parenting and lax discipline were linked indirectly to adolescent grandiose narcissism through a need for positive approval and independent self-construal. Adolescents (n = 460; 58.5% girls; age range = 15–18 years) completed several measures online. Structural equation modeling revealed that maternal positive parenting and discipline were indirectly linked to grandiose narcissism through adolescents' need for positive approval. Fathers' positive parenting was linked directly and partially through independent self-construal to grandiose narcissism. Fathers' discipline remained directly associated with adolescent grandiose narcissism. Discussion focuses on the nuanced association between parenting and grandiose narcissism in adolescents and the implications for upholding behavioral standards.     

Is Obama the Anti-Christ? Racial priming, extreme criticisms of Barack Obama, and attitudes toward the 2008 US presidential candidates

This study investigated the impact of subtle racial priming on the persuasive impact of criticisms of Barack Obama in the month prior to the 2008 presidential election. To prime Black or White race, participants wrote a paragraph about a student with a typical Black or White name. They then read editorials that accused Obama of being unpatriotic or being the Anti-Christ, or that listed his positions on major issues. Participants responded to both criticisms with diminished preferences for and more negative beliefs about Obama, but only when African-American race was primed. Interestingly, the Anti-Christ criticism increased preferences and positive beliefs about Obama in the absence of racial priming, suggesting this criticism may have lacked credibility under neutral conditions.     

Social and Behavioral Researchers' Experiences With Their IRBs

This article examines the responsibilities of researchers who conduct exploratory research to provide a service to vulnerable respondents. The term “service” is used to denote the provision of a tangible benefit in relation to the research question that is apart from the altruistic research benefits. This article explores what this “service” could look like, who might be responsible for providing it, and the challenges associated with such a service. The article argues that not providing a tangible benefit to vulnerable research participants is inconsistent with the principle of social justice that undergirds much of the rationale for conducting health disparities research.     

A Defining Presidential Moment: 9/11 and the Rally Effect

Public approval ratings of George W. Bush surged after the 11 September 2001 terrorist attacks. This study used a quasi–experimental, within–respondents design to investigate the relative contribution of five factors to this classic rally effect: the stimulus event itself, Bush's speech that evening, media exposure, partisan support, and gender effects. Respondents were pretested on the morning of the attacks; one group was posttested immediately after the speech, another group 41 hours later. Stability of effects was examined through an additional study of Bush's 20 September 2001 speech to a joint session of Congress. The findings indicate that Bush's 11 September speech was the critical factor in this rally effect; none of the other factors contributed significantly.     

THE USE OF PROMPTS TO ENHANCE VICARIOUS EFFECTS OF NONVERBAL APPROVAL

The effect of nonverbal teacher approval (physical contact in the form of patting approvingly) delivered to target subjects on the attentive behavior of adjacent peers was examined in a special-education classroom. In a reversal design, two pairs of moderately retarded children were exposed to nonverbal approval, with only one subject in each pair receiving approval. In different phases, nonverbal approval was delivered alone or in conjunction with a verbal prompt directed to the adjacent peer or to the class as a whole. The prompt was designed to make salient the target subject's attentive behavior and the nonverbal reinforcing consequences that followed. Providing contingent nonverbal approval alone consistently altered attentive behavior of the target subjects but did not alter the attentive behavior of adjacent peers. However, accompanying nonverbal approval with a verbal prompt did increase attentive behavior of nonreinforced peers.     

自尊与心理性应激反应的关系：社会认可需求的中介作用

国外研究者认为高自尊个体的内控性高,因此其在心理性应激情境中的反应不那么强烈,而国内研究者从集体文化(中国)考虑,则认为高自尊个体的社会认可需求较高,因此在心理性应激情境中的反应更强烈.本研究采用特里尔社会应激测试作为应激情境,采集41名中国大学生被试在这一情境下的客观参数(心率)作为心理性应激反应的指标,通过问卷测量被试的自尊水平、内控性水平和社会认可需求水平,考察自尊影响心理性应激反应的机制.结果发现被试的自尊水平与应激情境下的心率呈正相关,并且社会认可需求在自尊与心理性应激的关系中起着显著的中介作用.本文从文化差异角度提出自尊预测心理性应激反应的模型可能需要在不同文化背景下来分别探讨.     

Psychological Illness in Presidents: A Medical Advisory Commission and Disability Determinations

Although the 25th Amendment is intended to provide for instances of presidential disability, critics claim that it is impractical since it requires vice presidents and cabinet members to move overtly against the president—which they are unlikely to do. Also, they warn that medical information about the president is likely to be concealed. To overcome these problems, they recommend that a Medical Advisory Commission be established at the outset of every presidential administration to examine the president annually and then provide formal medical input so that the vice president and cabinet would be "compelled" to act in the presence of medically determined "inability," whether physiological or psychological. This paper argues, however, that such a proposal is badly flawed and quite unworkable, particularly in the case of psychological illness where accurate diagnosis typically depends on long-term, continuous doctor-patient interaction rather than through sporadic and superficial interchange. It concludes that less draconian measures in implementing the Amendment are far more sensible, such as those proposed by the Working Group on Presidential Disability which are discussed here.