Mobilizing Communities to Implement Evidence-Based Practices in Youth Violence Prevention: The State of the Art

Community mobilization can increase the effective implementation of evidence-based practices (EBPs) in youth violence prevention. These strategies bring together people and organizations in a community to try to solve or reduce a problem. They help communities address the challenges of identifying EBPs, disseminating them to local decision-makers, and then implementing and sustaining them if they are successful. Science-based systems for implementing EBPs such as PROSPER and Communities That Care can help to integrate this complex work in communities. Further insight about implementing EBPs in youth violence prevention is being developed through the CDC-funded Academic Centers for Excellence in Youth Violence Prevention. Community mobilization approaches for seven of these programs are discussed, highlighting successful approaches and challenges encountered.     

Why theatre-based research works? Psychological theories from behind the curtain

While many scholars have demonstrated the effectiveness of theatre-based knowledge mobilization, fewer studies have examined its psychological dimensions. This article examines some psychological theories that may account for the success behind theatre-based knowledge mobilization. Drawing from the Canadian Experience Project, a study about the labor market challenges of skilled immigrant workers, we show how theatre-based research dissemination efforts attempt to achieve optimal stress by using aesthetic distance processes. We maintain that this psychological capacity to attune to audience members, especially evident in forum theatre, makes theatre a particularly effective means for knowledge mobilization.     

Positive Social Pressure and Prosocial Motivation: Evidence from a Large‐Scale Field Experiment on Voter Mobilization

Political scientists are increasingly exploring the psychological underpinnings of voting behavior using field experimental techniques. Research in psychology demonstrates that positive reinforcement—what I describe as positive social pressure—motivates prosocial behavior. A distinctive feature of the current study is the focus on key subgroups of voters, namely unmarried women and minorities. Attention to these voter subgroups allows us to build upon findings reported in previous studies that leave questions about the generalizability of the reported effects of positive social pressure to key demographic subgroups of voters largely unanswered. This article reports the results of a large‐scale randomized field experiment designed to investigate the impact of positive social pressure on voter turnout. The experiment was conducted during the November 2009 gubernatorial election in New Jersey, and the results suggest positive social pressure mobilizes voters. Moreover, the effects appear to be robust across subgroups of voters, including minorities and unmarried women, and both lower‐ and higher‐propensity voters.     

Dysphoria and Mobilization of Mental Effort: Effects on Cardiovascular Reactivity

Two studies examined the influence of dysphoria on motivational intensity in a student sample. Participants worked on a memory task (Study 1) or a mental concentration task (Study 2) without fixed performance standard (“do your best”). Based on their scores on the Center for Epidemiologic Studies – Depression Scale (L. S. Radloff, 1977), dysphoric and nondysphoric students were compared with regard to their effort-related cardiovascular reactivity during task performance. As predicted on the basis of the mood-behavior-model (G. H. E. Gendolla, 2000) and motivational intensity theory (J. W. Brehm & E. A. Self, 1989), dysphoric participants showed stronger cardiovascular reactivity while working on the cognitive tasks than nondysphoric participants. In Study 1, nondysphoric participants performed better on the memory task than dysphoric participants. Theoretical implications are discussed.

Countermovement Mobilization and State Raids on Minority Religious Communities

An ongoing study of government raids on minority religious communities in 19 Western‐style democracies over seven‐plus decades shows a dramatic increase in raids beginning in the 1990s. Two distinct and related patterns are found to explain this escalation in frequency. Both patterns involved countermovement mobilization by coalitions of oppositional groups that effectively framed new or nontraditional religious movements (NRMs) as threats to their own members and the larger society, thereby prompting state actions of social control. The patterns are distinguished by a new relationship of countermovement actors to the state. In one pattern, we found the development of a transnational network forging a common collective action frame, movement ideology, and organizational strategy. Seizing political opportunities in the wake of increasing concerns regarding child endangerment, countermovement actors targeted NRMs as harbingers of child abuse and pressed authorities to take action. In the second pattern, we found a concentration of raids in one country (France). Here, the oppositional networks were not simply third‐party interest groups but were fully integrated into the state apparatus, hence awarded power and given extraordinary influence. Consequently, state raids increased exponentially. The study also provides five years of new data from a previous report examining their impact on the larger set of findings and identifying new trends.     

The effects of embedding social identities on perceived leadership outcomes and the intentional mobilization of group members

According to Identity Leadership, effective leaders make the group matter by embedding social identities in material reality. Across two studies, we explored the potential importance of embedding social identities on group members' perceptions of leader trust, influence, conflict and intentional mobilization. In Study 1, 74 competitive varsity athletes read a vignette describing a coach who was either embedding or not embedding social identities. Participants presented with a coach who was embedding social identities reported significantly greater leader trust, leader influence and intentional mobilization, and significantly lower leader conflict. In Study 2, four football teams each comprising six athletes were assigned to one of two quasi-experimental conditions where a coach either: (1) spent two weeks embedding social identities before spending two weeks not embedding them; or (2) spent two weeks not embedding social identities before spending two weeks embedding them. When a leader stopped embedding social identities after embedding them for two weeks, group members' trust in their leader significantly reduced. When a leader started embedding social identities after not embedding them for two weeks, group members' perceptions of leader trust, leader influence and intentional mobilization significantly increased. Taken together, findings provide preliminary evidence that embedding social identities is beneficial for leader outcomes and intentional mobilization compared to a non-embedding leadership approach.     

Affective small stories – Witnessing an ‘ideal’ instance of knowledge mobilization

In this short reflective intervention, I utilize an innovative narrative format to document my account of being an invited academic witness for the Canadian House of Commons as a graduate student. Drawing upon layered forms of critical witnessing, I utilize five small stories to consider this seemingly ideal instance of sexual health knowledge mobilization that spanned academic, government, media, and social-profit sectors. I braid complex, messy threads to capture my affective wayfinding through the complicated institutional processes involved in the generation, representation, critique and control of sexual knowledge. Highlighting how this work can be more broadly applicable to graduate students and emerging scholars in related disciplines, I note how my critical witnessing is intertwined with social, economic and political conditions present in Canada and elsewhere. This work additionally illustrates experimental self-inquiry that disrupts distinctions between researcher/subject/seer and participant/object/seen.     

The development of a mental health coalition: A case study

Described the development of a local-level mental health coalition to advocate for housing and community support programs for psychiatric consumer/survivors. Resource mobilization theory was used as a framework from which to view and understand the origins, goals, tactics, and outcomes of the coalition. Data were presented indicating that the coalition played a role in obtaining increased funding for housing and community support programs. Also, there was an emphasis on consumer/survivor and family participation in the change process. Benefits and limitations of the coalition after 6 years of operation were reviewed and compared with other advocacy coalitions in mental health. Thanks to Wendy Czarny, Peter Dunn, Mary Earls, John Lord, Ken Parsons, Isaac Prilleltensky, Harvey Simmons, and the reviewers for their helpful suggestions on earlier drafts of this paper.     

Female Politicians as Climate Fools: Intertextual and Multimodal Constructions of Misogyny Disguised as Humor in Political Communication

The present study explores how the polarized political discussion on climate change is used to construct as a humorous misogynist message in a Finnish far-right political campaign video from 2021. Applying a multimodal analytical approach, the study explores the ways in which humor and irony are mobilized in the video through intertextual cues and verbal, visual, and sonic means to produce a dichotomy between “us”—the rational males who oppose strong measures against climate change—and “them,” the irrational females, who propose them. The study contributes to political psychology, first by responding to the call for social and political psychologists to expand our knowledge of the production and spread of misogyny in online political communication; second, by showing the importance of studying intertextual and multimodal constructions of misogyny disguised as humor in political communication, and, finally, through demonstrating the utility of interdisciplinarity and multimodal analytic approaches in research on online political mobilization and persuasion.     

Family Mobilization: Work with Angry Elderly Couples in Declining Health

When elderly angry couples face difficulties in caring for each other, the ability to monitor each other's health problems is reduced, prompting the mobilization of the family. This article presents three sets of questions that examine for patterns of family mobilization: positive wedging, disentanglement failure, positive in-and-out participation, and defensive paralleling. In our clinical impression, these patterns often accompany the health monitoring problems of angry elderly couples. Brief case studies are used to describe approaches for assisting these couples in terms of both health monitoring and marital interactions involving anger during health decline. A procedure of deliberate paralleling for working with couples who display an especially inflexible interpersonal arrangement is outlined. Implications are drawn for therapists' education.