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Carlos M. Neves 《Journal of Happiness Studies》2003,4(2):169-183
In Book Two, Chapter (1), of The Division of Labor in Society (1984) entitled "The Progress of the Division of Labor and Happiness", Emile Durkheim (1858–1917) stages a provocative encounter between the attitudes of optimism and pessimism, an encounter that reveals certain problematic assumptions regarding the status of hope in relation to the project of binding oneself to life under conditions of anomie. Durkheim's theoretical assault on the utilitarian-based optimism of his day is accomplished against the backdrop of a critical pessimism that is shown to be equally untenable. However, his critique leaves the question of the status of hope in relation to the question of human happiness unclarified and ambiguously framed, even as Durkheim defends hope against the despair of pessimism. The essay concludes with a critical appraisal of Durkheim's partial critique of pessimism and a few observations regarding the links between memory, expectation, pessimism, suicide, hope, and happiness. 相似文献
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Marina Abalakina-Paap Walter G. Stephan Traci Craig & W. Larry Gregory 《Political psychology》1999,20(3):637-647
This study used canonical correlation to examine the relationship of 11 individual difference variables to two measures of beliefs in conspiracies. Undergraduates were administered a questionnaire that included these two measures (beliefs in specific conspiracies and attitudes toward the existence of conspiracies) and scales assessing the 11 variables. High levels of anomie, authoritarianism, and powerlessness, along with a low level of self-esteem, were related to beliefs in specific conspiracies, whereas high levels of external locus of control and hostility, along with a low level of trust, were related to attitudes toward the existence of conspiracies in general. These findings support the idea that beliefs in conspiracies are related to feelings of alienation, powerlessness, hostility, and being disadvantaged. There was no support for the idea that people believe in conspiracies because they provide simplified explanations of complex events. 相似文献
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Anomie, as defined by sociologists, refers to a state of society characterized by deregulation and erosion of moral values. In the present conceptual analysis, we bring the concept of anomie under a social psychological spotlight. We explore the conditions under which anomie arises and develop a model outlining various responses to anomie. We define anomie as a shared perception of the state of society and propose that two conditions must be met for anomie to emerge. First, a society's social fabric must be perceived to be breaking down (i.e., lack of trust and erosion of moral standards). Second, a society's leadership must be perceived to be breaking down (i.e., lack of legitimacy and effectiveness of leadership). We highlight two key responses of individuals to an anomic situation: a contraction of the personal self and a contraction of the social self. We discuss how a psychology of anomie can inform and advance broader theorizing on group processes. 相似文献
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Steven Stack 《Aggressive behavior》1983,9(4):339-344
Sociological explanations of crime have given considerable attention to Merton's anomie theory without systematically testing it. This paper tests Merton's theory through operationalizing anomie in terms of the degree of inequality in the distribution of income in each of the 50 states. A multiple regression analysis determines that while income inequality is significantly related to the rate of homicide, it is not significantly related to the rate of property crime. A preliminary cross-national analysis of 20 nations replicates this same general finding. The results suggest that a relatively large gap between material success and the means to success is likely to result in crimes of violence rather than property crime once we control the influence of other variables. 相似文献
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Thomas Blank 《Political psychology》2003,24(2):259-288
This paper presents an integrated theoretical model of national identity, nationalism, and patriotism that takes into account some action-theoretical deliberations, the theories of authoritarianism and anomie, and the social identity approach. The model was tested empirically for citizens of the former East and West Germany with the use of a structural equations model. Most of the hypotheses were supported: Authoritarianism has a significant potential to explain national identity and nationalism. Anomie and general self-esteem are of subordinate relevance. Generally, East and West Germans identify themselves with Germany for the same reasons. However, these results suggest a more differentiated analysis of the effects of anomie and general self-esteem in explaining national identity. 相似文献
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从“胡为民现象”看我国医疗领域的社会失范 总被引:3,自引:1,他引:2
随着我国经济体制的转型,由于市场机制的引进和发展不规范,医药卫生体制改革不成熟,在医疗领域出现了很多失范的现象。透过“胡为民现象”,分析了我国医疗领域社会失范的特点和原因,并针对原因提出了防治医疗领域社会失范的意见和措施 相似文献
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《Political psychology》1999,20(3):649-664
Books reviewed: Stephen Ansolabehere and Shanto Iyengar, Going Negative. How PoliticalAdvertisements Shrink & Polarize the Electorate Ann M. Crigler (ed.), The Psychology of Political Communication Thomas M. Holbrook, Do Campaigns Matter? Robert Huckfeldt and John Sprague, Citizens, Politics, and Social Communication. Information and Influence in an Election Campaign Warren Christopher, In the Stream of History: Shaping Foreign Policy for a New Era Roberta S. Sigel, Ambition and Accommodation: How Women View Gender Relations Daniel Archibugi, David Held, and Martin Köhler (eds), Re-imaging Political Community: Studies in Cosmopolitan Democracy 相似文献
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目前对青少年社会责任感缺失原因的分析多从社会、家庭、时代等方面着手,对学校范围内进行责任感教育并无多大帮助。本文从认知维度分析了青少年责任感缺失的三种情形及其原因,并以此为基础阐明了学校范围内责任感教育的合理性,提出在学校范围内开展的应是以责任知识、责任思维和责任实践为主要内容的责任感教育。 相似文献