The Personality of Young Adult Couples and Wives'' Work Patterns

The influence of personality in 63 couples at the time of family formation on wives' work patterns 15 years later was examined in variable-centered and person/couple-centered ways. Four factor dimensions on the Adjective Check List assessed personality. Work patterns were assessed with measures of type, amount, and status of work and with schematic work narratives describing characters and plots abstracted from wives' mid-life data. Hierarchical regression analyses showed individuality of husbands to affect work outcomes after wives' college-age goals, their young adult personality, and the duration of marriages were taken into account. Conjoint high-low patterns of individuality in 34 couples were associated with different schematic work stories. These stories show distinctive personality and relational correlates at age 27. They flesh out and qualify hypotheses that individualistic partners would be open to women's careers and would show revealing strategies of combining self- and other interests in the transition to parenthood.     

Is the traditional role bad for women?

A sample of 112 women, tested first as college seniors in the late 1950s, were classified according to the traditionality of their life stories at age 43. This classification based on demographic criteria was supported by low to high scores on the socialization scale of the California Psychological Inventory (CPI). Traditionality of role at age 43 was related to CPI well-being and effective functioning at age 21. However, the traditional role was associated with several adverse changes in psychological and physical health by age 43. Both homemakers and women low in traditionality may have suffered from being less in synchrony with the social clock than they had been in college. Except for low energy, traditional women in the labor force (neo-traditionals) seemed to be role-juggling with success.     

WOMEN'S PRIME OF LIFE Is It the 50s?

The hypothesis is advanced that the early 50s is women's prime of life, an androgynous time of good health combined with autonomy and relational security. In a sample of 700 college alumnae, aged 26–80, who were studied in 1983, women in their early 50s most often described their lives as "first-rate." In a longitudinal sample from the same institution in 1989, women in their early 50s also rated their quality of life as high. Conditions distinguishing the early 50s from earlier and/or later periods of the middle years included more "empty nests," better health, higher income, and more concern for parents. All but the last of these conditions were related to quality of life within each sample of "prime" women. In both samples, "prime" women showed confidence, involvement, security, and breadth of personality. Prime of life is offered as a useful concept in adult development.     

NUMBER AND QUALITY OF ROLES

We used longitudinal personality data to test whether number and quality of roles were associated with health and self-enhancement in 100 privileged midlife women. Number of roles (from the set of partner, parent, and worker) was not related to autonomy, individuality, and complexity, as had been hypothesized, but to respect for norms, being well-organized considering oneselt like other people. Through women with one role were lower in well-being than women with more than one, hierarchical multiple regression showed no advantage to number of roles after psychological health at age 21 was taken in to account. However, quality of role, as assessed by marital satisfaction and status level in work, was associated with contentment and effective functioning, respectively, even after antecedent psychological functioning was taken into account. Particular roles were associated with particular advantages. The enhancement model of the accumulation of roles is compared with Erikson's theory of the development of personality.     

Personality development and growth in women across 30 years: three perspectives

This article addressesthree questions about personality development in a 30‐year longitudinal study of women (N = 78): (1) To what extent did the women maintain the same position inrelation to each other on personality characteristics over the 30 years, and what broad factorswere related to the amount of change in their rank order? (2) Did the sample as a whole increaseor decrease over time on indices of personality growth, and did they change in ways distinctive towomen? (3) Were experiential factors associated with individual differences in the amount ofchange? Results showed that personality was quite consistent while also showing that timeinterval was positively related to rank‐order change and age was negatively related to rank‐orderchange. Over the period from age 21 to age 52, the women increased on measures ofnorm‐orientation and complexity and showed changes on measures of Dominance andFemininity/Masculinity consistent with the hypothesis that changing sex roles would lead toincreases in Dominance and increases, then decreases, in Femininity/Masculinity. A third set ofresults showed that changes in Dominance and Femininity/Masculinity were associated with lifecircumstances such as marital tension, divorce, and participation in the paid labor force. Theimplications of the findings for personality development and growth are discussed.     

Creative potential, creative achievement, and personal growth

We tested the idea that young people who have creative potential (are complex and unconventional) increase in intrapsychic awareness as they mature but often have difficulty with psychosocial growth, especially the development of a cohesive identity; and that for some women commitment to creative work solves the problem of psychosocial integration and leads to creative achievement. In a longitudinal sample of 109 women, these ideas were supported: Creative potential and creative achievement were both associated with intrapsychic growth but only creative achievement was associated with psychosocial growth. Regression analyses showed that the development of a cohesive identity from early to middle adulthood added to and interacted with creative potential in the prediction of creative achievement.     

Up and down in middle age: monotonic and nonmonotonic changes in roles, status, and personality

It is proposed that personality (conceptualized in terms of motives and psychological resources) changes normatively not only from young adulthood to middle age but also within middle age and that these changes take place in relation to social and biosocial change over the same period. Data from 123 women studied at ages 27, 43, 52, and 61 largely supported hypotheses about change in social roles, status, health, motives, personality characteristics, emotion regulation, and relationships. Noteworthy aspects of the findings were substantial curvilinear change within middle age and associations of work involvement and physical health with personality change during late middle age.     

One Surprise After Another

The author of this article describes her childhood, career, and some of her main findings as a personality psychologist who studied women's creativity and adult development as she herself constructed her personal and professional identity in a changing environment and developed in a number of ways.