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In his classic sociological analysis The Power Elite, published in 1956, sociologist C. Wright Mills depicted a group of white Anglo-Saxon Protestant men who ran the corporate, political and military elites in the United States. This article looks at this power elite 40 years later to consider the extent to which diversity has occurred. Each of these three institutions (the corporate, the political, and the military) is examined to see if jews, women, African-Americans, Latinos, Asian Americans, and homosexuals have penetrated into the highest circles. The patterns that appear across all categories of newcomers are discussed, as is the extent to which the arrival of some newcomers has led to changes in the behavior of the power elite. 相似文献
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Richard L. Zweigenhaft Ethan Williamson Ellen Spivey Laura V. Peters Daniel J. Christie 《The Journal of psychology》2013,147(4):339-356
Students at colleges or universities in North Carolina (United States), Bath (England), Munich (West Germany) and Selangor (Malaysia) were asked to evaluate a nuclear activist who had engaged in one of three forms of protest against nuclear weapons, ranging from conventional to nonconventional. The age and gender of the activist was also varied; the activist was either male or female and either 22 years old or 72 years old. The overall images of the various activists were positive in all four locations, though the nature of the positive image differed in the four studies. In all four studies, the nature of the activism was of much greater importance than either the age or gender of the activist; the activist who engaged in the most nonconventional form of protest (resulting in his or her arrest) received the least positive ratings. Women evaluated the activists more positively than did men. 相似文献
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In Born to Rebel, F. Sulloway (1996) argued that, throughout history, later-borns have been more likely than first-borns to challenge the status quo. The authors tested Sulloway's hypothesis among a group of U.S. college students who had participated in civil disobedience as part of a labor dispute. The authors predicted that there would be a higher percentage of later-borns among those who had been arrested than among a group of their friends who had not participated in civil disobedience or among a control group of students drawn from classes at the college. The findings, in fact, revealed a significant relationship between the number of times the students had been arrested and birth order. 相似文献
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Birth Order Effects and Rebelliousness: Political Activism and Involvement with Marijuana 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Richard L. Zweigenhaft 《Political psychology》2002,23(2):219-233
Frank Sulloway (1996) has claimed that later-borns are more likely to rebel against the status quo than are firstborns. The two studies reported here attempt to examine more fully Sulloway's claims about rebelliousness. The studies draw on archival data from studies of high school and college students in a midwestern state between 1969 and 1982. The current studies compare the effects of birth order, gender, family size, and father's education on two self-report measures: participation in protests and demonstrations, and involvement with marijuana. The data on involvement with marijuana provided support for Sulloway's thesis that later-borns are more rebellious than firstborns, but the data on participation in protests and demonstrations did not. These mixed findings, which contribute to the ongoing debate about Sulloway's theory, are discussed. 相似文献
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