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Vukosav  Branimir  Kresić Vukosav  Marijana 《Topoi》2022,41(3):471-482

In this paper, we discuss the conceptualization of space as a dimension relevant to personal identity and the central role that is attributed to language with respect to its constitution. It is argued that the identification with a certain geographical space and the use of (a) certain language(s) or linguistic variety can be regarded as crucial for the self-definition of individuals and also groups. We pursue a threefold goal: (1) to highlight the contribution of geographical research to our understanding of the self as a phenomenon situated in space; (2) to discern merits, but also problems related to the recent strong emphasis of the role of language with respect to identity constitution, especially in constructivist and poststructuralist approaches; and (3) on the basis of these findings, to draw conclusions concerning the given and constructed elements of identity, with a particular focus on space and language. In addition to a survey of relevant theoretical positions, empirical examples are presented with the aim to illustrate how geographically marked identity is constituted.

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On the one hand, Kant seems to suggest that moral weakness is merely expressed at the level of following maxims. On the other hand, he addresses moral weakness as the first grade of our propensity to evil, which implies that moral weakness is also expressed at the level of adopting maxims. There is still a lack of clarity in the literature concerning how the relationship between these two aspects is to be understood, and a proper account of the nature of the maxims of the morally weak has yet to be offered. Drawing on my earlier interpretation of moral strength, I shall propose a reading of Kant's account of moral weakness that consistently unifies both aspects. On my interpretation, the morally weak agent lacks the moral strength that he ought to acquire through the continuous exercise of his power of self‐control; he therefore fails both to set himself particular moral ends in adopting his maxims and to follow his maxims by realizing such ends. His intention to do what the moral law demands is overly general: It does not set a particular moral end, which is what virtue requires.  相似文献   
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Matthew J. Hornsey  Samuel Pearson  Jemima Kang  Kai Sassenberg  Jolanda Jetten  Paul A. M. Van Lange  Lucia G. Medina  Catherine E. Amiot  Liisi Ausmees  Peter Baguma  Oumar Barry  Maja Becker  Michal Bilewicz  Thomas Castelain  Giulio Costantini  Girts Dimdins  Agustín Espinosa  Gillian Finchilescu  Malte Friese  Roberto González  Nobuhiko Goto  Ángel Gómez  Peter Halama  Ruby Ilustrisimo  Gabriela M. Jiga-Boy  Johannes Karl  Peter Kuppens  Steve Loughnan  Marijana Markovikj  Khairul A. Mastor  Neil McLatchie  Lindsay M. Novak  Blessing N. Onyekachi  Müjde Peker  Muhammad Rizwan  Mark Schaller  Eunkook M. Suh  Sanaz Talaifar  Eddie M. W. Tong  Ana Torres  Rhiannon N. Turner  Christin-Melanie Vauclair  Alexander Vinogradov  Zhechen Wang  Victoria Wai Lan Yeung  Brock Bastian 《European journal of social psychology》2023,53(1):78-89
While a great deal is known about the individual difference factors associated with conspiracy beliefs, much less is known about the country-level factors that shape people's willingness to believe conspiracy theories. In the current article we discuss the possibility that willingness to believe conspiracy theories might be shaped by the perception (and reality) of poor economic performance at the national level. To test this notion, we surveyed 6723 participants from 36 countries. In line with predictions, propensity to believe conspiracy theories was negatively associated with perceptions of current and future national economic vitality. Furthermore, countries with higher GDP per capita tended to have lower belief in conspiracy theories. The data suggest that conspiracy beliefs are not just caused by intrapsychic factors but are also shaped by difficult economic circumstances for which distrust might have a rational basis.  相似文献   
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