Many stimuli are frightening,but some are more frightening than others: The contributions of preparedness,dangerousness, and unpredictability to making a stimulus fearful

The nonrandom distribution of situational fears has been explained by evolutionary survival relevance of specific fears. Thirty-eight stimuli were taken from the literature on preparedness and were scored on fearfulness, objective dangerousness, and spatiotemporal unpredictability by three separate groups of students. The same items were scored on survival relevance by 15 biologists. Fearfulness of cues significantly correlated not only with survival relevance but also, and even more strongly, with dangerousness and unpredictability. While the fear/survival relevance association virtually disappeared when the unpredictability contribution was partialed out, the fear/unpredictability correlation was only marginally affected when controlling for survival relevance. This suggests that nonrandomness of feared stimuli may result from the spatiotemporal unpredictability that is attributed to these stimuli. The current practice of using snakes and spiders as phobia-relevant, and flowers and mushrooms as neutral, cues was not justified by the ratings of the 15 independent experts.This study was supported in part by a grant from the Dutch Organization for Fundamental Research (ZWO/Psychon, 560-268-001).     

Patients' perceptions of treatment for kidney failure: The impact of personal experience on population predictions

Estimates of the probability of various outcomes associated with treatment for kidney failure were made by chronic dialysis patients, dialysis patients awaiting transplant, successful transplant patients, and unsuccessful transplant patients back on dialysis. The latter two groups can be considered a natural experiment testing the impact of personal experience on population predictions. Consistent with the law of small numbers and the availability heuristic, successful transplant patients gave higher estimates of the population success rate for transplantation than unsuccessful transplant patients gave.     

Reaction time,movement time,and intelligence

Speed of information processing is measured in terms of reaction time (RT) and movement time (MT) to five stimulus displays which differ in the amount of information transmitted, over a range from 0 to 3 bits of information. RT, but not MT, increases as a linear function of the number of bits in the stimulus display. RT and MT show reliable individual differences which are significantly correlated with intelligence as measured by Raven's Standard Progressive Matrices.     

Relating print and speech: the effects of letter names and word position on reading and spelling performance

From an early age, children can go beyond rote memorization to form links between print and speech that are based on letter names in the initial positions of words (Treiman & Rodriguez, 1999; Treiman, Sotak, & Bowman, 2001). For example, children's knowledge of the name of the letter t helps them learn that the novel word TM is pronounced as team. Four experiments were carried out to determine whether letter names at the ends of words are equally useful. Four- and five-year-olds derived little benefit from such information in reading (Experiments 1 and 3) or spelling (Experiment 2), although adults did (Experiment 4). For young children, word-final information appears to have less influence on reading and spelling performance than does word-initial information. The results help delineate the circumstances under which children can go beyond a logographic approach in learning about print.     

Confronting prejudice (literally): reactions to confrontations of racial and gender bias

Participants in two studies reported how they would feel, think, and behave after being confronted about either gender-biased or equivalent racial-biased responses. In Study 2, whether the confrontation was from a target group member (Black or female) or nontarget (White or male) group member was manipulated. Regardless of confronter status, allegations of racial bias elicited more guilt and apologetic-corrective responses and greater concern over having offended the confronter than similar confrontations of gender bias, which elicited more amusement. Target confrontations elicited less guilt but greater discomfort than nontarget confrontations and were associated with feelings of irritation and antagonism among more prejudiced participants. In addition, participants perceived a target's confrontation as more of an overreaction than the same confrontation from a nontarget. The implications of these findings for prejudice-reduction efforts are discussed.     

The effect of Obama saliency on individual-level racial bias: Silver bullet or smokescreen?

President Obama's election has been construed as a potentially positive force for intergroup relations, but this issue has not been previously addressed experimentally. In experiment 1, conducted 4-5 months after the election, White participants were primed with either President Obama or nature before completing a variety of race-related measures. Results indicated that priming Obama did not influence implicit racial bias or internal motivation to control prejudice. However, consistent with exemplar and symbolic racism theories, participants primed with President Obama expressed greater agreement with the tenets of symbolic racism and were more reluctant to accept the possibility that they personally harbored subtle racial bias. Experiment 2, conducted 21 months after the election, replicated the Obama effects from experiment 1 and showed that priming another Black exemplar (Oprah) also increased symbolic racism. Results suggest that highly successful Black exemplars currently serve as a smokescreen for symbolic and subtle racial biases.     

The integration of science and practice: Unique perspectives from counseling psychology students

Counseling psychology training programs predominately subscribe to the scientist–practitioner training model, which emphasizes the mutual integration of science and practice. There has been extensive debate surrounding the applicability of the scientist–practitioner training model to the field of counseling psychology, and existing commentary from both trainers and trainees has documented the potential challenges to adequately integrating science and practice. In the current article, three counseling psychology doctoral students outline their experiences in a program that adheres to the scientist–practitioner training model. In particular, they describe their involvement in both clinical and scholarly related activities, their experiences with the integration of science and practice, and how the scientist–practitioner model has influenced their overall professional development. Specific examples of how the scientist–practitioner model can shape the perspectives and career goals of psychologists-in-training are reviewed.     

Implicit Attitudes as Potential Protection From Risky Sex: Predicting Condom Use With the IAT

The Implicit Association Test (Greenwald, McGhee, & Schwartz, 1998) has become a popular tool for measuring implicit attitudes toward 2 contrasting concepts. In this study, we suggest including a neutral category (trees) to capture implicit evaluations of a single target attitude object. Using such a technique to measure implicit attitudes toward condoms, we predicted and found that explicit attitudes were related to intended condom use in situations that allow for controlled and deliberative processing, but implicit attitudes were related to intended condom use when automatic processing presides. Implications for such implicit and explicit attitude-behavior relations are discussed in the context of sexual risk-taking.