Selective impairment of phonation: A case study

A 47-year-old right-handed man underwent craniotomy for clipping of an aneurism at the trifurcation of the left middle cerebral artery. Subsequently, he suffered a left hemisphere CVA after which his speech and language resembled that of Broca's aphasia with accompanying apraxia of speech. Medical, behavioral, and acoustical data amassed over a period of several months indicated numerous contraindications to traditional diagnoses of Broca's aphasia, apraxia of speech, and dysarthria. Ultimately, it was determined that the patient had a selective impairement of phonation or laryngeal apraxia. This was illustrated dramatically when he was taught to use an electrolarynx which allowed him to bypass his disrupted phonatory system. Speaking with the electrolarynx, the patient communicated normally. Any semblance of Broca's aphasia disappeared. Supralaryngeal articulation was normal; apraxia of speech behaviors were absent. This case report indicates that dissociation of oral and laryngeal gestures due to brain injury is possible. Mechanisms underlying such a dissociation for this case are reviewed. The possibility of discrete center lesions in the frontal motor association area causing different types of apraxia of speech is discussed.     

Voice onset time in aphasia: Thai II. Production

The aim of this study was to investigate voice onset time (VOT) production in homorganic word-initial stops in Thai in order to explore the nature of speech production deficits across clinical varieties of aphasia. Thai exhibits a three-category distinction in bilabial (/b,p,ph/) and alveolar (/d,t,t,h/) stops, and a two-category distinction in velar (/k,kh/) stops. Subjects included three Broca asphasics, one transcortical motor asphasic, two global asphasics, one conduction aphasic, one Wernicke aphasic, one nonaphasic dysarthric patient, one right-brain-damaged patient, and five normal controls. Test stimuli consisted of eight monosyllabic real words. The results of VOT measurements indicated that Broca and global asphasics exhibited a more severe production disorder than Wernicke, conduction, or transcortical motor asphasics. The right-brain-damaged patient showed no impairment in VOT production. Comparisons are drawn to earlier studies of VOT production in aphasia in two-category languages. Issues concerning the underlying basis of the production deficit for nonfluent aphasics, fluent aphasics, and nonaphasic dysarthrics as well as the relation between perception and production of VOT are discussed.     

Temporal integration of speech prosody is shaped by language experience: an fMRI study

Differences in hemispheric functions underlying speech perception may be related to the size of temporal integration windows over which prosodic features (e.g., pitch) span in the speech signal. Chinese tone and intonation, both signaled by variations in pitch contours, span over shorter (local) and longer (global) temporal domains, respectively. This cross-linguistic (Chinese and English) study uses functional magnetic resonance imaging to show that pitch contours associated with tones are processed in the left hemisphere by Chinese listeners only, whereas pitch contours associated with intonation are processed predominantly in the right hemisphere. These findings argue against the view that all aspects of speech prosody are lateralized to the right hemisphere, and promote the idea that varying-sized temporal integration windows reflect a neurobiological adaptation to meet the 'prosodic needs' of a particular language.     

Musicians and tone-language speakers share enhanced brainstem encoding but not perceptual benefits for musical pitch

Behavioral and neurophysiological transfer effects from music experience to language processing are well-established but it is currently unclear whether or not linguistic expertise (e.g., speaking a tone language) benefits music-related processing and its perception. Here, we compare brainstem responses of English-speaking musicians/non-musicians and native speakers of Mandarin Chinese elicited by tuned and detuned musical chords, to determine if enhancements in subcortical processing translate to improvements in the perceptual discrimination of musical pitch. Relative to non-musicians, both musicians and Chinese had stronger brainstem representation of the defining pitches of musical sequences. In contrast, two behavioral pitch discrimination tasks revealed that neither Chinese nor non-musicians were able to discriminate subtle changes in musical pitch with the same accuracy as musicians. Pooled across all listeners, brainstem magnitudes predicted behavioral pitch discrimination performance but considering each group individually, only musicians showed connections between neural and behavioral measures. No brain-behavior correlations were found for tone language speakers or non-musicians. These findings point to a dissociation between subcortical neurophysiological processing and behavioral measures of pitch perception in Chinese listeners. We infer that sensory-level enhancement of musical pitch information yields cognitive-level perceptual benefits only when that information is behaviorally relevant to the listener.     

Tonal Coarticulation in Thai after Unilateral Brain Damage

The magnitude and temporal extent of anticipatory and perseverative tonal coarticulation was investigated in Thai-speaking normal and brain-damaged adults. A total of 47 speakers (10 young normal, 10 old normal, 13 nonaphasic right-brain-damaged patients, 14 left-brain-damaged aphasic patients, 9 fluent, 5 nonfluent) produced all 25 possible sequences of two tones from the five lexical tones of Thai embedded in a carrier sentence.F₀contours were analyzed in terms of height and slope at 10% intervals throughout the duration of the two syllables. Acoustic analysis revealed that anticipatory and perseverative tonal coarticulation of tones was markedly reduced in left fluent aphasics, totally absent in left nonfluent aphasics, but reasonably intact in right hemisphere patients. Findings are interpreted to highlight the nature of speech disturbances in nonfluent and fluent aphasia, hemispheric specialization for tone, and tonal coarticulation in Thai.     

Dysprosody in Broca's aphasia: a case study

A detailed acoustic analysis of timing, intensity, and fundamental frequency (F0) at different levels of linguistic structure was conducted on the speech output of a Broca's aphasic who was a native speaker of Thai. Timing was measured with respect to syllables, phrases, and sentences in connected speech. Intensity variation at the sentence level was measured in connected speech. F0 variation associated with the five Thai tones was measured in both isolated words and connected speech. Results indicated that timing was differentially impaired depending upon complexity of articulatory gesture and size of the linguistic structure. Timing, as well as intensity, was aberrant at the sentence level. In contrast, F0 contours of the five tones were spared at all levels of linguistic structure. Findings are interpreted to support the view that dysprosody in Broca's aphasia is more applicable to speech timing than to F0.     

Timing characteristics of speech after brain damage: vowel length in Thai.

This paper explores the extent of timing deficits in vowels produced by brain-damaged speakers of a language with a phonological contrast in vowel length. Short and long vowels in Thai were produced in isolated monosyllabic words by 20 normal adults, 14 right hemisphere patients, and 17 left hemisphere aphasics. Vowel durations were measured spectrographically. Although the phonological contrast was relatively preserved, as indicated by average duration, a subtle timing deficit in vowels produced by nonfluent aphasics was indicated by a compressed duration continuum and increased variability in vowel production.     

Effect of sentence length on the production of linguistic stress by left- and right-hemisphere-damaged patients

An acoustical/perceptual study of phonemic stress (e.g., HOTdog vs. hot DOG) was conducted to evaluate the effect of sentence length on stress production after brain damage. Productions of phonemic stress pairs were elicited in sentence contexts of increasing length from eight left-hemisphere-damaged nonfluent (LHD-NFL), fluent LHD-FL), right-hemisphere-damaged (RHD), and normal speakers (n = 32). Tape recordings of subjects' productions were presented to na?ve listeners for perceptual identification of stress placement. Acoustic analysis focused on fundamental frequency, duration, and intensity of the initial and final syllables as well as pause duration between syllables. Perceptual tests indicated that regardless of sentence length, all brain-damaged groups exhibited an impairment in the production of linguistic stress when compared to normals. The LHD-NFL group experienced the greatest difficulty in signaling stress contrasts, followed in order by the LHD-FL and RHD groups. In medium-length sentences, the LHD-FL group's performance was degraded by comparison to short-length sentences. Acoustic analysis showed that pause duration was the strongest predictor of phonemic stress for all groups. Acoustic profiles of the RHD group were similar qualitatively to those of normals, but differed quantitatively in terms of magnitude of effect associated with shifts in stress patterns. Findings are brought to bear on the nature of the stress production deficit after unilateral brain damage, the role of the right hemisphere in linguistic prosody, and the concept of "subtle phonetic deficit" in fluent aphasia.     

Locus of Functional Impairment in the Production of Speech Rhythm after Brain Damage: A Preliminary Study

This acoustic-perceptual, multiple-case study of the Rhythm Rule (RR) in English, a phonological phenomenon whereby adjacent stresses are adjusted to avoid “stress clash” (e.g.,thirTEENvsTHIRteen MEN), was undertaken to identify the locus of functional impairments in speech prosody in different aphasic syndromes. Subjects included two left brain-damaged aphasic patients (1 fluent, 1 nonfluent), one right brain-damaged nonaphasic patient, and one nonneurological control. They were instructed to read sentences including experimental (bisyllabic “double-stressed” words) and matching control (bisyllabic “initial-stressed” words) phrases of increasing length. Results of acoustic and perceptual measures indicated that rhythmic disturbances associated with the RR emerged regardless of lesion site. The locus of functional impairment was isolated to phonetic implementation of the RR, as opposed to either loss of word-level stress or loss of the RR. Findings suggest that neural substrates of speech prosody are broadly distributed in the left and right cerebral hemispheres.