Inhibition of the LH Surge by Restraint Stress in Cyclic Rats: Studies on the Role of GABAA and GABAB Receptors

There is evidence that stress can alter the activity in the brain of gamma-aminobutyricacid (GABA), a neurotransmitter that has been implicated in the regulation of LH secretion. In the present study the role of GABA in the restraint stress-induced inhibition of the LH surge was investigated in the intact cyclic rat. Intracerebroventricular (icv) administration of the GABAA receptor agonist muscimol (0.1, 0.5 or 1 μg) 5 min before the presumed onset of the pro-oestrous LH surge (at 0900 h) caused a dose dependent suppression of the surge. A single dose of the GABAB receptor agonist baclofen (1 μg; icv) injected at 0855 h postponed the onset of the LH surge, and repeated injections at 0855 and 1130 h suppressed the surge. These data indicate that GABA-ergic activity in the brain can inhibit the LH surge in the cyclic rat via GABAA and GABAB receptors. Pro-oestrous rats were subjected to 5 hrs of restraint starting at 0855 h. Pretreatment with the GABAA receptor antagonist bicuculine (1 μg; icv) at 0840, 0940 and 1040 h or pretreatment with the GABAB receptor antagonist phaclofen (10 μg; icv) at 0840 h were ineffective in preventing the restraint-induced inhibition of the LH surge. The results suggest that GABAA and GABAB receptors are not involved in the inhibitory effect of restraint stress on the LH surge.     

An investigation of the Mini-Mult validity scales

Examined the ability of the Mini-Mult validity scales to detect invalid MMPI profiles. When 34 invalid MMPI profiles were rescored with the Mini-Muir only 17 of the 34 profiles invalidated by the full MMPI were detected with the Mini-Mult. This included 14 of 27 profiles invalidated by an elevated F scale; 2 of 4 profiles invalidated by an elevated L scale and 1 of 3 profiles invalidated by an elevated K scale. Only 14 of 27 profiles invalidated by an F-K ratio of K11 were detected. When new conversion values for the Mini-Mult were utilized, the detection rate improved considerably for the F scale and the F-K ratio.     

Phase Changes in the BRCA Policy Domain

The recent US Supreme Court ruling against gene patenting has been accompanied by the passage at the federal level of the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act, both events representing a thawing or phase change in policies that will now make preventive techniques, such as BRCA genetic testing to predict risk for familial breast and ovarian cancer, more affordable and accessible. Authors including Yun-Han Huang in this journal have noted the judicial ruling is one step—a significant one—in the process of patent system reform. This commentary links such changes with policy formation and action taken by members of diverse religious communities in the aftermath of the Human Genome Project and continuing in today’s genome sequencing area. Religious engagement has acted as a catalyzing force for change in the creation and dissemination of genetic developments. Religious perspectives are needed to solve the new ethical dilemmas posed by population screening for BRCA mutations and the rise of direct-to-consumer and provider marketing of such genetic tests, which have far-reaching consequences at the individual, family, and societal levels.     

The Role of Religious Values in Decisions About Genetics and the Public’s Health

The latest health care legislation, which promotes prevention and health screening, ultimately depends for its success on recognition of people’s values concerning the technologies being employed, not just the interventions’ technical virtues. Values concerning the deterministic nature of a condition and what groups should be targeted rest on a sense of what is morally, often religiously right in a given health circumstance. This paper looks at a number of leading-edge case examples—breast cancer genetic screening and family decision-making, and newborn screening and biobanks—in examining how the choices made at the individual, family, and societal levels rest on faith in a higher source of efficacy and moral perspectives on the measures that can be taken. Qualitative responses expressing people’s attitudes toward these technologies underscore the importance of considering faith-based values in individual decisions and collective policies on their use. These examples are considered in the context of the historic interplay between science and religion and recent definitions and models of health which incorporate physical, emotional, and social elements, and most importantly, are expanding to incorporate the religious and spiritual values domains.     

When Self-Interest Matters

The relative influence of self-interest and values on policy preferences was assessed experimentally in a national survey that posed questions about three contemporary political issues—Social Security reform, the home mortgage interest tax deduction, and health care benefits for domestic partners. For each issue, respondents were randomly assigned to one of three priming conditions that influenced the frame of reference for their policy evaluations. The results show that people are more likely to recognize their own self-interest, and to act upon it, when their stakes in the policy are clear or when they have been primed to think about the personal costs and benefits of the policy. This relationship is somewhat weakened but not eliminated when sociotropic considerations are primed. People with a smaller stake in an issue are less likely to behave on the basis of self-interest and more likely to be influenced by their values and symbolic predispositions, especially when exposed to information that cues sociotropic concerns, group identifications, or value orientations.     

Alternative Measures of American National Identity: Implications for the Civic‐Ethnic Distinction

Studies of national identity distinguish between ethnic and civic nations and have sought to identify these alternative conceptions of national identity in public opinion. The standard measurement technique is to assess the normative content of American national identity by asking survey respondents to rate the importance of particular traits for making someone a “true” American. We argue that such measures are problematic, chiefly because of the impact of nonrandom measurement error. We explore the influence of using ranking measures instead of ratings, using a survey experiment conducted on a nationally representative sample of Americans in 2008. The ranking method is superior for distinguishing between ethnic and civic conceptions of nationhood and, therefore, for predicting preferences on issues such as immigration policy. We develop a new statistical method that effectively “converts” ratings into scores that approximate rankings, resulting in the creation of more valid measures of both ethnic and civic national identities.