From Stigmatized Immigrants to Radical Right Voting: A Multilevel Study on the Role of Threat and Contact

This study examines the interplay between presence of stigmatized immigrants, threat, and intergroup contact that underlies radical right voting (voting propensity and actual district‐level vote results). On the one hand, low‐status immigrants are often stigmatized and depicted as threats. Thus, presence of stigmatized immigrants should heighten threat perceptions, thereby increasing radical right voting. On the other hand, as positive contact with stigmatized immigrants is known to reduce anti‐immigrant prejudice, it should also attenuate radical right voting. As predicted, multilevel path analyses with the Swiss Election Studies 2011 data (N = 1,736 respondents in 136 districts) revealed that the proportion of stigmatized immigrants (from former Yugoslavia and Albania) in districts heightened perceived threat. Threat perceptions, in turn, increased propensity to vote for the Swiss People's Party, the major radical right party. In contrast, experiencing positive, everyday contact with former Yugoslav and Albanian immigrants reduced voting propensity through attenuated threat perceptions. Contact and threat perceptions were also related to the actual vote through voting propensity.     

Using a threat of divorce for maintaining family homeostasis within families in extreme distress (FED)

This paper describes a phenomenon of using a threat to divorce by families in extreme distress (FED) as a way of maintaining family homeostasis; that is, using a threat to divorce but never really implementing it. By relating to processes, such as social exchange and attachment, that often take place in the decision-making of divorce, we try to understand why those families choose to use the threat, thereby explaining this phenomenon. Using components of defining family boundaries, excitement and power struggle, we are thus able to better understand the existence of the phenomenon among FED.     

威胁对创造力的影响：认知与情绪双加工路径

威胁对创造力的影响颇具热点性与争议性, 总体来看, 当前存在威胁对创造力的阻碍、促进以及两者间呈倒U型关系三种观点。但三种观点分歧的原因与内在机制尚不清楚。本文从认知与情绪角度对相关研究进行了梳理, 认为以上分歧来自于威胁等级的不同, 创造力机制的差异及相关的中介/调节变量。未来研究可从认知与情绪干预的角度, 系统验证观点分歧的原因, 深入分析威胁与创造力的认知神经和基因等内在机制。     

Emotional intelligence and attentional bias for threat‐related emotion under stress

Emotional intelligence (EI ) can buffer potentially harmful effects of situational and chronic stressors to safeguard psychological wellbeing (e.g., Mikolajczak, Petrides, Coumans & Luminet, 2009 ), yet understanding how and when EI operates to promote adaptation remains a research priority. We explored whether EI (both trait and ability) modulated early attentional processing of threat‐related emotion under conditions of stress. Using a dot probe paradigm, eye movement (fixation to emotive facial stimuli, relative to neutral) and manual reaction time data were collected from 161 adults aged 18–57 years (mean age = 25.24; SD = 8.81) exposed to either a stressful (failure task) or non‐stressful (control) situation. Whilst emotion management ability and trait wellbeing corresponded to avoidance of negative emotion (angry and sad respectively), high trait sociability and emotionality related to a bias for negative emotions. With most effects not restricted to stressful conditions, it is unclear whether EI underscores ‘adaptive’ processing, which carries implications for school‐based social and emotional learning programs.     

Interparty Attitudes in Chile: Coalitions as Superordinate Social Identities

This paper reports a survey (N  =  1,465) conducted in Chile that was conceived to understand the role of coalition identification as an important sociopsychological mechanism for promoting positive affects toward own-coalition party members in a multiparty system, above and beyond interparty political differences. Participants judged their own political party, parties within coalitions (fellow coalition members and opposing parties), and political coalitions as a whole on affective dimensions (trust, liking, and admiration). The results provide substantial support for the five hypotheses addressed in the study. Overall, perceived interparty distance and political identity threat had a negative impact on affect toward coalition party members. Above and beyond these effects, identification with the coalition positively predicted affect toward allies. Ingroup party affect was positively correlated with affect toward own-coalition party members and own coalition as a whole, but was not negatively associated with affect toward opposing-coalition parties. Moreover, the relationship between own-party affect and affect toward own-coalition party members was mediated by affect toward own coalition. Overall, evidence for the benefits of promoting coalition identification in a multiparty system is provided and discussed alongside the limitations and practical implications derived from the study.     

Effect of self‐construal and threat to self‐esteem on ingroup favouritism: Moderating effect of independent/interdependent self‐construal on use of ingroup favouritism for maintaining and enhancing self‐evaluation

The present study examined the hypothesis that in situations that threaten self‐esteem, people with independent self‐construal show more ingroup favouritism, whereas people with interdependent self‐construal do not. Using a minimal group paradigm, consistent with the hypothesis, the results showed that self‐construal and threats to self‐esteem have an interactive effect on ingroup favouritism. Individuals with independent self‐construal showed more ingroup favouritism when their self‐esteem was threatened than when it was not threatened, whereas individuals with interdependent self‐construal exhibited less ingroup favouritism when their self‐esteem was threatened than when it was not threatened. These findings suggest that independent/interdependent self‐construal moderates the use of ingroup favouritism for maintaining and enhancing self‐evaluation.     

自我概念威胁以及与重要他人的比较共同削弱自我面孔优势效应

内隐积极联想理论(implicit positive association, IPA)认为自我面孔识别以及与之伴随的自我意识激发了自我概念的积极属性, 促进了对自我面孔的识别优势, 因此通过自我概念威胁可以削弱自我面孔识别的优势效应。本研究旨在探讨自我概念威胁以及与重要他人的比较对自我面孔优势效应的共同影响。实验一为自我-朋友对比实验, 10对同性好友(20名被试)在接受完自我概念威胁启动或者非威胁性启动后对自我面孔和朋友面孔进行朝向的判断, 结果发现非威胁性启动后, 自我面孔的优势效应依然存在, 而在自我概念威胁启动后, 自我面孔优势效应消失。实验二为自我-陌生人对比实验, 另外20名被试在接受完自我概念威胁启动或者非威胁性启动后, 对自我面孔和陌生人面孔进行朝向的判断, 结果发现, 无论是自我概念威胁启动还是非威胁性启动后, 自我面孔识别优势效应都依然存在。两个实验的结果均主要体现在用左手进行反应的时候。结果表明：自我概念威胁以及与重要他人的比较共同削弱自我面孔优势效应; 而左手效应的发生似乎表明了大脑右半球对自我面孔识别的主导和调节作用。     

社会偏见与群际威胁在群际冲突发生过程中的作用

研究以“医患冲突”为载体,采用竞争反应时范式（CRT）和故事补全范式（SCP）,探讨社会偏见和群际威胁在群际冲突发生过程中的作用。结果表明：（1）“医生”被试中,社会偏见在CRT和SCP两个指标上均具显著主效应,而“患者”被试中,社会偏见仅在CRT范式“惩罚持续时间”指标上主效应显著;（2）群际威胁在CRT和SCP指标上的主效应均显著。研究发现,在群际冲突发生过程中,社会偏见的作用具有“方向效应”,而群际威胁变量发挥着显著而直接的影响。     

The relationships between contact,status and prejudice: An integrated threat theory analysis of Hindu–Muslim relations in India

In the context of Hindu–Muslim relations in India, the present study (N = 87) utilized Integrated Threat Theory (Stephan & Stephan, 2000 ) to examine the mediating roles of intergroup anxiety, realistic and symbolic threats and the moderating role of group membership (Hindu vs. Muslim) in the relationships between cross‐community contact, relative in‐group status and prejudice. Overall, intergroup anxiety and realistic, but not symbolic, threat emerged as proximal predictors of prejudice and partial mediators between the predictor and criterion variables. But these findings were qualified by majority (Hindu) versus minority (Muslim) group membership. As predicted, while symbolic threat was a predictor of prejudice for Hindus, realistic threat was a paramount predictor for Muslims. In‐group status was as a significant predictor for low‐status minority group only. The results are discussed with reference to their potential implications for future research and interventions aimed at improving intergroup relations. Copyright © 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.