压力性生活事件对青少年主观幸福感的影响机制

在应对的交互作用模式、压力缓冲与压力易损性假说基础上提出一个有调节的中介模型,探讨应对方式在青少年压力性生活事件与主观幸福感之间的中介效应,以及情绪智力的调节效应。被试为1670名青少年,研究工具包括青少年生活事件量表、特质应对方式问卷、情绪智力量表和主观幸福感问卷。结果显示:(1)应对方式在压力性生活事件与主观幸福感之间起部分中介作用。(2)情绪智力在压力性生活事件对应对方式的影响中起调节作用:在低压力性生活事件下,高情绪智力的青少年应对方式较好,在高压力性生活事件下,不论情绪智力如何,应对方式都不好,情绪智力是压力易损因子。     

灵感的概念、结构与功能

灵感既是一种人格特质, 也是一种状态体验。无论是作为心理结构的特质灵感, 还会作为欲求体验的状态灵感, 都具有动力性、唤起性和超越性三个核心特征。状态灵感是由诱发刺激所唤起的, 并使个体趋向于目标, 包括by成分和to成分两个独立的过程成分。灵感与积极情绪相比, 具有相当的动力性、更多的超越性和更少的责任性。灵感有利于创造力的发挥, 有益于心理健康, 能够增进个体的幸福感。未来的研究应对领域特异性的灵感、灵感结构的普遍性、灵感的诱发方法以及灵感影响心理健康和幸福感的机制做更深入的探讨。     

大学生的社会支持、孤独及自尊对主观幸福感的作用机制研究

对389名大学生施测社会支持量表、自尊量表、社会与感情孤独量表及主观幸福感量表,以探讨孤独和自尊在社会支持与主观幸福感的关系中的作用。结果表明：（1）主观幸福感与社会支持、自尊、孤独呈显著相关。（2）路径分析表明,自尊、孤独分别在社会支持与主观幸福感之间起显著的中介作用。社会支持→自尊→孤独→主观幸福感的显著路径表明,这些变量间存在更为复杂的关系。这些结果对于大学生心理健康教育具有重要的意义。     

自尊对主观幸福感的影响：有调节的中介效应

采用问卷法调查了1084名高一至大四的学生,探讨了自尊、主观幸福感、自我怀疑及抑郁的关系。结果发现：自尊在自我怀疑与主观幸福感之间起部分中介作用,这一中介作用的实现受到抑郁的调节,即自尊对主观幸福感的影响是有调节的中介效应。     

两种取向的工作满意度模型构建及实证研究

工作满意度一般被作为衡量员工工作中的幸福感的指标。幸福感的研究存在两种基本取向：享乐取向和完善取向。为验证两种取向的工作满意度结构,对485名MBA学生和864名企业员工进行了调查,探索性因素分析和进一步二阶探索性因素分析表明,工作满意度量表包含8个因素,这8个因素归于两个维度：享乐取向的满意度（包括享乐的工作结果、享乐的工作本身、享乐的人际关系、享乐的组织氛围）和完善取向的满意度（包括完善的工作结果、完善的工作本身、完善的人际关系、完善的组织氛围）。验证性因素分析支持两种取向工作满意度的结构模型。     

青少年物质主义与幸福感的关系：感恩的中介作用

采用物质主义量表、感恩问卷、主观幸福感量表、心理幸福感量表和身体症状问卷对701名中学生进行调查,考察了青少年物质主义与其幸福感的关系,以及感恩在其中的中介作用。结果发现：（1）青少年物质主义与其负性情感显著正相关,与正性情感、生活满意度、心理幸福感和身体健康显著负相关;（2）感恩在青少年物质主义与其生活满意度、负性情感、心理幸福感和身体健康关系之间起着部分中介作用,在青少年物质主义与其正性情感关系之间起着完全中介作用。     

幸福观取向理论建构及实证

摘 要 尝试用新的理论视角-取向研究视角,对幸福观进行整合研究,建构一种与社会情境结合更紧密,更具概括性的幸福观取向理论。幸福观取向理论的假设建构模型包括四种幸福观取向维度：社会取向,个人取向,积极取向和消极取向。根据理论模型编制幸福观取向量表,以907名被试为研究对象,运用探索性因素分析和验证性因素分析方法对该理论模型进行实证研究。结果证明了该理论建构中各维度的因素负荷和拟合指数良好,幸福观取向量表显示出良好的信度和建构效度,保证了实证研究的有效性。     

Coping with Severe Mental Illness: Relations of the Brief COPE with Symptoms, Functioning, and Well-Being

The way patients cope with the experience of having an episode and being hospitalized for psychiatric disorder may relate to symptom severity, social functioning, and psychological well-being. Coping was assessed among 70 psychiatric inpatients diagnosed primarily with schizophrenia, major depressive disorder, and schizoaffective disorder. The Brief COPE—a questionnaire developed in health psychology (C. S. Carver, 1997)—was administered in interviewer-assisted format during patients' stay on the ward. Thirty patients were re-interviewed an average of 6 weeks after discharge. Among patients with schizophrenia, schizophrenia symptom severity correlated inversely with adaptive coping (e.g., acceptance, planning, seeking support) but did not correlate with maladaptive coping (e.g., self-blame, denial). Among those with schizophrenia, deficits in adaptive coping also predicted relative increases in schizophrenia symptoms over time, controlling for intake symptom severity. Among patients without schizophrenia, maladaptive coping correlated concurrently with depressive symptoms. Several hypothesized associations between concurrent coping, functioning, and well-being were also documented.     

Unconditional Self-Acceptance and Psychological Health

Low self-esteem is usually considered unhealthy, but according to rational-emotive behavior therapy, any level of self-esteem reflects a dysfunctional habit of globally evaluating one's worth; it would be preferable to accept oneself unconditionally. This hypothesis was tested by examining several correlates of scores on a novel questionnaire measure of unconditional self-acceptance (USA). In a nonclinical adult sample, statistically controlling for self-esteem, USA was inversely correlated with anxiety symptoms and with narcissism, positively correlated with state mood after imaginal exposure to negative events. Other predicted associations of USA (with depression, happiness, and self-deception) either were not evident or became nonsignificant when self-esteem was taken into account. Discussion centered on the conceptual and operational distinctions between self-esteem and self-acceptance.     

Age and Emotion in Adulthood

Evidence suggests that positive affect rises from youth through young and then older adulthood, but may decline after one’s mid-70s. Negative affect appears to decrease steadily from early adulthood to older adulthood, but this decline may taper off in the oldest years. The relationship between age and affect in adulthood is further complicated by the effects of moderators, such as extraversion and marital status. Despite these complexities, recent empirical studies and current theory have furthered the understanding of age and affect in adulthood, although important questions remain.