电视节目质量研究述评

电视节目质量研究始于20世纪40年代,不同的国家设计了不同的指标来评价节目的质量,如欣赏指数、电视指数、享受指数、值得收看指数、兴趣指数、观众满意度等。文章概述了电视节目质量研究的历史、主要成果及研究动态,并系统介绍了最具影响力的欣赏指数调查,以及欣赏指数与电视收视率、节目类型、观众人口特征等因素之间的关系,最后对目前电视节目质量研究中的局限和不足做出分析和总结     

青少年时间管理倾向相关因素的研究

本研究探讨时间管理倾向与学生学业成绩、自我价值感和主观幸福感三者的关系,进一步验证个人的时间管理倾向与生活质量的关系。对重庆和成都两地三组1387名大、中学生(重庆312名中学生、339名大学生,成都736名中学生)的问卷调查研究发现：(1)时间监控观对学业成绩具有一定的预测作用,时问价值感和时间效能感是通过时间监控观来影响学业成绩。(2)时间管理倾向各维度与总体、一般和特殊自我价值感之间存在显著的正相关。随着自我价值感抽象程度的降低,时间管理倾向对自我价值感的影响程度也就越大。(3)时间管理倾向各维度与积极情绪之间存在显著正相关,与消极情绪之间存在显著负相关。时间管理的好坏可能是影响主观幸福感的一个重要因素。     

Personality Factors and the Short-Term Variability in Subjective Well-Being

The present study used a sample of 60 college students and an intensive longitudinal approach to investigate the variability in subjective well-being (SWB). At the beginning of the semester students provided information related to their personalities, while throughout the semester they provided SWB data on a weekly basis. Considerable between-student and within-student variability in SWB was found. Multiple regression analyses revealed that personality-based models were useful in explaining the variability in SWB. Conscientiousness and the Chance component of locus of control were found to be statistically significant independent personality predictors of variability in SWB. Specifically, students high in conscientiousness and high in external locus of control experienced more variability in SWB over the study period.     

Poverty in Russia

This paper is intended to shed light on the extent of poverty in the Russian Federation. We present estimates of poverty lines and poverty ratios derived from subjective questions used in a data collection for a large household panel (RUSSET). We estimate poverty using a subjective approach, where the level of the poverty line is derived using the opinion of the individual, rich or poor, on poverty. This approach differs from the objective approach to poverty, which defines poverty according to the opinion of experts. Three subjective poverty lines are presented: one the Financial Satisfaction Poverty Line, two the Leyden Poverty Line, and three the Subjective Well-Being Poverty Line. The first two poverty lines are based on subjective questions regarding income and economic welfare while the last concept focuses on satisfaction with life as a whole. The results obtained are compared with each other and with results derived using objective measures and official figures.     

Preferred Difficulty and Subjective Probability in Different Action Phases

Drawing on Gollwitzer's deliberative–implemental mindset distinction (P. M. Gollwitzer, 1990), it was predicted that people who are deliberating on different actions or goals would be more cautious or more realistic in their expectation of success in subsequent tasks than people who are going to implement a chosen action or goal. Participants were given a choice between different test-materials. They were interrupted before (deliberative) or immediately after decision-making (implemental). They then either had to choose between various levels of difficulty within one type of task (Experiment 1) or they had to predict their own future performance (Experiment 2). The results showed that deliberative participants preferred less difficult tasks and overestimated their probability of success less than implemental participants. In addition, deliberative participants referred more than implemental participants to their past performance when selecting levels of difficulty or predicting future performance; however, the two groups did not differ in actual performance. Taken together, the findings suggest that people are more realistic in a deliberative than in an implemental state of mind. The present studies extend prior research because for the first time they document mindset effects on peoples' estimates concerning their future performance in the achievement domain.     

Is Retirement Good or Bad for Subjective Well-Being?

Retirement has been viewed either as a transition that is accompanied by psychological distress or as a time of continued, or even enhanced, subjective well-being. Existing evidence is mixed, with some studies reporting retirement as positively related to well-being and others reporting a negative relationship or none at all. Our research indicates that developmental and social contexts shape an individual’s retirement decisions and experiences, so that retirement should be studied in its ecological and life-course context. Research on marital quality and subjective well-being in retirement has demonstrated both similarities and differences between men and women, as well as the need to consider couples conjointly (rather than viewing individuals in isolation). Future research focusing on the retirement process as it unfolds over time and in ecological context can serve to illuminate the circumstances under which retirement promotes or detracts from the quality of life.     

大学生人格特质与主观幸福感的关系:儒家心理资产的中介作用

以308名大学生为被试,以《大五人格问卷》、《儒家心理资产问卷》、《生活满意度量表》和《积极消极情感量表》为工具,考察人格特质、儒家心理资产与主观幸福感的关系。结果表明:(1)五种人格特质与儒家心理资产的八个维度存在不同程度的相关;(2)儒家心理资产八个维度与主观幸福感的不同指标相关不同;(3)爱人、务民、崇德、学等儒家心理资产维度在人格特质与主观幸福感总分之间起部分中介作用。本研究是对《论语》管理智慧实证化的创新性尝试。     

基于自我决定视角的动机结构与主观幸福感的关系*

从自我决定的视角,探讨了内隐和外显成就动机的不一致性对主观幸福感产生影响的可能机制。分别以成就动机量表和内隐联想测验作为成就动机的外显和内隐测量方式,同时采用自我决定量表和总体幸福感指数量表对303名大学生进行了施测。结果表明:（1）大学生内隐成就动机和外显成就动机没有显著相关;（2）外显成就动机与主观幸福感呈显著正相关,内隐成就动机调节了外显成就动机与主观幸福感的关系;（3）不一致性成就动机结构对主观幸福感有显著的负向预测,自我决定在不一致性成就动机结构对主观幸福感的预测效应中起着部分中介作用。     

Human coffee drinking: manipulation of concentration and caffeine dose.

In a residential research ward coffee drinking was studied in 9 volunteer human subjects with histories of heavy coffee drinking. A series of five experiments was undertaken to characterize adlibitum coffee consumption and to investigate the effects of manipulating coffee concentration, caffeine dose per cup, and caffeine preloads prior to coffee drinking. Manipulations were double-blind and scheduled in randomized sequences across days. When cups of coffee were freely available, coffee drinking tended to be rather regularly spaced during the day with intercup intervals becoming progressively longer throughout the day; experimental manipulations showed that this lengthening of intercup intervals was not due to accumulating caffeine levels. Number of cups of coffee consumed was an inverted U-shaped function of both coffee concentration and caffeine dose per cup; however, coffee-concentration and dose-per-cup manipulations did not produce similar effects on other measures of coffee drinking (intercup interval, time to drink a cup, within-day distribution of cups). Caffeine preload produced dose-related decreases in number of cups consumed. As a whole, these experiments provide some limited evidence for both the suppressive and the reinforcing effects of caffeine on coffee consumption. Examination of total daily coffee and caffeine intake across experiments, however, provides no evidence for precise regulation (i.e., titration) of coffee or caffeine intake.     

Low-dose caffeine discrimination and self-reported mood effects in normal volunteers.

A caffeine versus placebo discrimination procedure was used to determine the lowest caffeine dose that could produce discrimination and self-reported mood effects in normal volunteers. During daily sessions under double-blind conditions, caffeine-abstinent subjects orally ingested a capsule containing 178 mg caffeine or placebo. Before beginning discrimination training, the compounds were identified to subjects by letter codes. Fifteen, 30, and 45 min after capsule ingestion, subjects guessed the capsule's letter code. Correct guesses at 45 min earned money. After each session, subjects received a supplementary capsule containing caffeine or placebo to ensure that, within each phase of the study, subjects received the same daily dose of caffeine equal to the training dose. Five of the 15 subjects acquired the caffeine versus placebo discrimination within the first 20 sessions (greater than or equal to 75% correct); 6 other subjects acquired the discrimination with additional training. Nine subjects who acquired the discrimination were subsequently trained at progressively lower caffeine doses. In general, the lowest dose to produce discrimination (greater than or equal to 75% correct) was also the lowest dose to produce self-reported mood effects: 4 subjects showed discrimination and self-reported mood effects at 100 mg caffeine, 2 at 56 mg, 1 at 32 mg, and 1 at 18 mg. One of these subjects also showed self-reported mood effects at 10 mg. The present study documents discriminative stimulus and self-reported mood effects of caffeine at doses below those previously shown to affect any behavior in normal volunteers.