压后皮质在空间导航的作用：认知地图与环境的映射

压后皮质在大脑中紧邻胼胝体压部,在空间导航中起到重要作用,但其具体功能尚未明确。目前存在空间更新、地标领航和参照系转换三种观点。本文通过梳理上述观点,认为压后皮质的功能为对认知地图与环境布局进行映射,这种映射功能有助于解释压后皮质在基于认知地图进行导航过程中的激活。未来研究应该关注对压后皮质的功能分区,也要关注压后皮质与不同脑区的连接,这将对进一步理解其功能有重要的意义。     

空间交互研究新视角：多重社会因素的影响

空间交互是人类生存和社交的重要内容, 主要包括语言交流和视角采择两大范畴。对空间交互策略和效率的影响因素的研究, 传统上集中于空间因素, 近年来逐渐开始关注各种社会因素, 包括个体自身的社会认知特质、交互对象的社会属性和空间环境中的社会线索, 并从不同角度提出了理论解释。未来研究应关注社会认知与空间认知的跨领域融合, 考察更加多元的空间交互对象, 最终建立一个整合空间和社会因素的空间交互理论框架。     

低阶层者的系统合理化水平更高吗?——基于社会认知视角的考察

系统合理化理论曾提出,低阶层者比高阶层者具有更高的系统合理化水平,即更认可社会体系的合理性、更支持当前社会系统。但这一论断一直存在争议。研究引入社会认知视角,考察低阶层与高阶层者系统合理化水平的差异及其机制。两个分研究得到了共同的结果:(1)低阶层者的系统合理化水平显著低于高阶层者;(2)这一差异是通过贫富归因的中介作用实现的,低阶层者系统合理化水平较低是基于其更少地认为社会贫富差距是由个人内部因素所致;(3)这一中介作用会受到个体控制感水平的调节,当控制感较低时,上述中介作用成立;但当控制感较高时,低阶层会弥合与高阶层贫富归因的差异,中介模型不成立。这些结果支持并发展了系统合理化的认知途径解释和阶层社会认知理论这两个立足于社会认知的理论观点,显示了认知因素在此问题中的重要作用,构建了更整合的阶层—归因—合理化的逻辑,并考虑了其边界因素,对于了解低阶层者的社会心态及其形成机制,包括如何改变此状况,均有一定的现实启示意义。     

自尊与自我服务偏好的关系述评

 传统研究认为,自尊与自我服务偏好正相关,高自尊者比低自尊者有更强的自我服务偏好。但越来越多的研究对此结论提出了挑战,这些研究主要涉及两个问题：（1）是否只有高自尊者才有自我服务偏好？（2）是否凡高自尊者就有自我服务偏好？文章最后指出未来研究应该对这两个问题进行更深入和更细致的研究比如何种自尊者才有自我服务偏好、自我服务偏好是否只是一种策略及其利弊等     

A tale of two processes: On Joseph Henrich’s the secret of our success: How culture is driving human evolution,domesticating our species,and making us smarter

We situate Henrich’s book in the larger research tradition of which it is a part and show how he presents a wide array of recent psychological, physiological, and neurological data as supporting the view that two related but distinct processes have shaped human nature and made us unique: cumulative cultural evolution and culture-driven genetic evolution. We briefly sketch out several ways philosophers might fruitfully engage with this view and note some implications it may have for current philosophic debates in moral and political theory and over the nature of extended cognition. We end by noting how Henrich’s view of the source of cultural design and innovation, and the prominence of place he gives to the extended process of cultural evolution, cuts against a cluster of broad but common views about human minds, recasting putative bugs as features and indicating that many of the distinctive features of our individual minds evolved to allow them to be effective cogs in the larger, more productive cultural machine.     

儿童绘画表现性发展的研究进展

自Goodman提出美的3个性质(表现性、充实性、结构性)以来,发展心理学家们兴起了根据儿童绘画的表现性来探讨儿童认知发展的热潮。该回顾了儿童绘画表现性的发展研究进展,以及对儿童绘画认知的模型探讨。     

Beliefs About the True Self Explain Asymmetries Based on Moral Judgment

Past research has identified a number of asymmetries based on moral judgments. Beliefs about (a) what a person values, (b) whether a person is happy, (c) whether a person has shown weakness of will, and (d) whether a person deserves praise or blame seem to depend critically on whether participants themselves find the agent's behavior to be morally good or bad. To date, however, the origins of these asymmetries remain unknown. The present studies examine whether beliefs about an agent's “true self” explain these observed asymmetries based on moral judgment. Using the identical materials from previous studies in this area, a series of five experiments indicate that people show a general tendency to conclude that deep inside every individual there is a “true self” calling him or her to behave in ways that are morally virtuous. In turn, this belief causes people to hold different intuitions about what the agent values, whether the agent is happy, whether he or she has shown weakness of will, and whether he or she deserves praise or blame. These results not only help to answer important questions about how people attribute various mental states to others; they also contribute to important theoretical debates regarding how moral values may shape our beliefs about phenomena that, on the surface, appear to be decidedly non‐moral in nature.     

Identification, situational constraint, and social cognition: studies in the attribution of moral responsibility

In three experiments we studied lay observers' attributions of responsibility for an antisocial act (homicide). We systematically varied both the degree to which the action was coerced by external circumstances and the degree to which the actor endorsed and accepted ownership of the act, a psychological state that philosophers have termed "identification." Our findings with respect to identification were highly consistent. The more an actor was identified with an action, the more likely observers were to assign responsibility to the actor, even when the action was performed under constraints so powerful that no other behavioral option was available. Our findings indicate that social cognition involving assignment of responsibility for an action is a more complex process than previous research has indicated. It would appear that laypersons' judgments of moral responsibility may, in some circumstances, accord with philosophical views in which freedom and determinism are regarded to be compatible.     

Differential developmental trajectories for egocentric, environmental and intrinsic frames of reference in spatial memory

We studied the development of spatial frames of reference in children aged 3-6 years, who retrieved hidden toys from an array of identical containers bordered by landmarks under four conditions. By moving the child and/or the array between presentation and test, we varied the consistency of the hidden toy with (i) the body, and (ii) the testing room. The toy's position always remained consistent with (iii) the array and bordering landmarks. We found separate, additive performance advantages for consistency with body and room. These effects were already present at 3 years. A striking finding was that the room effect, which implies allocentric representations of the room and/or egocentric representations updated by self-motion, was much stronger in the youngest children than the body effect, which implies purely egocentric representations. Children as young as 3 years therefore had, and greatly favoured, spatial representations that were not purely egocentric. Viewpoint-independent recall based only on the array and bordering landmarks emerged at 5 years. There was no evidence that this later-developing ability, which implies object-referenced (intrinsic) representations, depended on verbal encodings. These findings indicate that core components of adult spatial competence, including parallel egocentric and nonegocentric representations of space, are present as early as 3 years. These are supplemented by later-developing object-referenced representations.