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291.
292.
利他对受助者及社会有弥足珍贵的价值,能提高群体的功能性,增加危机中的生存概率从而保持种群延续;但利他会降低助人者自身的适应性,使其生存与繁殖的可能性较其他个体,尤其是自利者,处于不利地位。利他行为是如何得到进化的这一难题吸引了各领域学者的关注。本文回顾了具有代表性的多水平选择理论与竞争性利他理论,结合利他研究的最新实证证据,提出利他增加助人者适应性的双路径模型。内部路径指利他行为可以通过自激励的内在过程,促进助人者身心的正性互动,带来内部效用增益,从而在某些时刻提高其适应性。外部路径为利他传递展现助人者品质的信号,有助于提升其群体内地位并增加合作、择偶机会。进而,利他行为能够在个体与群体层面的进化选择中得到保存。未来研究可以从身心关系的角度继续探讨利他问题,促成利他的正性循环。 相似文献
293.
目的:探究牺牲动机对亲密关系满意度的影响以及知觉到对方牺牲动机的中介作用。方法:对168对情侣采用亲密关系满意度、牺牲动机和知觉到对方的牺牲动机量表来测量,并运用行动者-对象相互依赖模型进行分析。结果:行动者效应:知觉到对方的牺牲趋近动机是牺牲趋近动机和关系满意度的中介变量。对象效应:只发现女性的牺牲趋近动机通过正向影响男性知觉到的牺牲趋近动机从而正向影响男性的关系满意度。结论:本研究有助于理解恋人双方做出牺牲行为背后的动机对于双方关系满意度的影响。 相似文献
294.
VINCENZO BONAMINIO 《The Psychoanalytic quarterly》2017,86(4):795-810
This paper is predominantly a clinical presentation that describes the transmigration of one patient's transference to another, with the analyst functioning as a sort of transponder. It involves an apparently accidental episode in which there was an unconscious intersection between two patients. The author's aim is to show how transference from one case may affect transference in another, a phenomenon the author calls transference before transference. The author believes that this idea may serve as a tool for understanding the unconscious work that takes place in the clinical situation. In a clinical example, the analyst finds himself caught up in an enactment involving two patients in which he becomes the medium of what happens in session. 相似文献
295.
Gilad Hirschberger Uri Lifshin Stephanie Seeman Tsachi Ein‐Dor Tom Pyszczynski 《European journal of social psychology》2017,47(3):304-319
Three studies examined the effect of historical trauma reminders and criticism from international allies on attitudes toward current conflicts. In Study 1, Israeli participants (N = 116) were primed with the Holocaust, and read either that the U.S. President Obama supports Israel's right to defend itself and attack Iran, or that he opposes such action. Then, support for preemptive violence was assessed. Study 2 (N = 133) replicated this design, comparing inclusive and exclusive framings of the Holocaust. Study 3 (N = 478), examined the effect of Holocaust reminders and criticism from the European Union on attitudes toward militant policies against Palestinians. All three studies found that Holocaust primes juxtaposed with international criticism increased support for aggression, especially under exclusive framings of the Holocaust. Study 3, however, found this effect only among left‐wing participants. These findings indicate that when historical trauma is salient, international criticism may be ineffective and may even backfire. 相似文献
296.
Political Action in Conflict and Nonconflict Regions in Indonesia: The Role of Religious and National Identifications 下载免费PDF全文
This study examined the relationship between group identification and political action in Indonesia. We made four contributions to the literature. First, we studied political action on behalf of religious groups and examined the role of religious identification alone and in combination with national identification. Second, we analyzed political action in a non‐Western country where social cleavages occur primarily along religious lines and where a conflict and nonconflict region can be studied. Third, we compared Muslims and Christians, whose majority and minority status varies across the two regions, and fourth, we investigated both normative and nonnormative forms of political action (protest and violence). In line with the dual‐identification model of politicization, we found that religious identification increased support for protest (but not violence) in the conflict region only and particularly among high national identifiers. In the nonconflict region, religious identification was not related to violence, and it was related to lower support for protest among high national identifiers. The patterns were largely similar for Muslims and Christians, but some differences were found depending on the majority‐minority status. We conclude that particularities of the intergroup context should be taken into consideration when studying politicization. 相似文献
297.
Support for Self‐Censorship Among Israelis as a Barrier to Resolving the Israeli‐Palestinian Conflict 下载免费PDF全文
Boaz Hameiri Keren Sharvit Daniel Bar‐Tal Eldad Shahar Eran Halperin 《Political psychology》2017,38(5):795-813
Self‐censorship, defined as an “act of intentionally and voluntarily withholding information from others in the absence of formal obstacles” often serves as a barrier to resolving intractable conflicts. Specifically, in order to protect the group, and in absence of objective constraints such as institutionalized censorship, individuals practice self‐censorship and support its practice by other society members. This prevents free flow and transparency of information, within a society, regarding the conflict and the adversary. In an attempt to investigate the factors that contribute to the functioning of self‐censorship as a sociopsychological barrier to conflict resolution, a longitudinal study was conducted among a large sample of Jews in Israel. The survey was administered in three waves: a few months before, during, and a few months after Israel's Operation Pillar of Defense in the Gaza Strip. The findings showed that armed confrontation can increase support for self‐censorship. In addition, the findings revealed that personal characteristics (e.g., authoritarianism, ethnocentrism, siege mentality) predicted support for self‐censorship, which, in turn, mediated the effect of personal characteristics on support for negotiations and for providing humanitarian aid. The theoretical as well as the applied implications of the findings are discussed. 相似文献
298.
Discussion groups are a promising tool for bridging the divide between former conflict antagonists. However, such groups do not always produce the desired outcome of improved attitudes, even when they meet the conditions generally seen as favoring positive interaction. In this article, we examine specific discussion protocols that mitigate polarization risks while fostering reconciliation. Using a randomized, controlled design, we formed a pool of 429 ex‐combatants and members of conflict‐affected communities in Colombia. Participants were asked to join heterogeneous groups and discuss their proposals for the future of Colombia. Overall, community members improved their attitudes towards ex‐combatants significantly, while ex‐combatants’ attitudes toward community members do not tend to polarize. Those participants who were randomly assigned to a perspective‐giving treatment protocol (where they were asked to refer to their personal experience and perspective) consistently improved their intergroup attitudes towards ex‐combatants, and by a proportionally higher percentage than those taking part under argumentation and no‐treatment control conditions. 相似文献
299.
Explaining White Opposition to Black Political Leadership: The Role of Fear of Racial Favoritism 下载免费PDF全文
Seth K. Goldman 《Political psychology》2017,38(5):721-739
Despite the election of America's first Black president, most non‐Hispanic Whites continue to oppose Black political leadership. The conventional explanation for White opposition is sheer racial prejudice, yet the available empirical evidence for this theory is inconsistent. I test an alternative theory that Whites perceive Black political leaders as a threat to their group's interests. Using a new survey measure and nationally representative panel data covering the 2008, 2010, and 2012 U.S. elections, I find that a majority of Whites perceive Black elected officials as likely to favor Blacks over Whites. Moreover, fear of racial favoritism predicts support for Barack Obama in both cross‐sectional models and fixed‐effects models of within‐person change, controlling for negative racial stereotypes. I replicate these findings using a separate cross‐sectional survey fielded after the 2014 election that controls for racial resentment. Collectively, these results suggest that perceptions of conflicting group interests—and not just prejudice—drive White opposition to Black political leadership. 相似文献
300.
Child contact arrangements with parents following separation and divorce are strongly endorsed for children in both public policy and law where safe, but can be difficult to sustain. Entrenched high-conflict post-separation relationships between parents can cause substantial emotional risks to children as well as impacting severely on parents’ mental health. This paper describes a qualitative study, aimed at examining parents’ experiences of contact arrangements post-separation, undertaken within a mixed methods random allocation study of therapeutic outcomes for parents in entrenched conflict over their children. Two established semi-structured interviews with 22 parents were jointly subjected to thematic analyses. A thematic analysis across interviews revealed three main themes: ‘Dealing with contact evokes extreme states of mind’ for parents; when speaking of contact, the child is ‘everywhere and nowhere’ in the parents’ minds; ‘the hardest thing about contact is dealing with my ex-partner’. These findings indicate the immense strain children and parents are under and shed much light on the desperate states of mind for parents, particularly the anxieties driving relentless child contact disputes. This paper may contribute to the understanding of parents’ experiences of contact arrangements post-separation, potentially providing important information which can inform best practice for professionals working with this population. 相似文献