A response to "On token reinforcement and stuttering therapy: Another view on findings reported by Howie and Woods (1982)"

Ingham's (1983) critique of our research is based on the unwarranted assumption that it claimed to be a replication of Ingham and Andrews' (1973a) study. Our report did not claim to be a replication. Procedural differences between treatments do not preclude the possibility of drawing general conclusions that may apply to related treatments, or suggesting possible confounding variables that might be operating in another study. We have nevertheless dealt with each of Ingham's methodological objections. In general, we believe that we struck an acceptable compromise between the needs of clients and theoretical and research demands. We stand by our original conclusions, and note with satisfaction that Ingham concurs with our emphasis on systematic structure rather than the presence or absence of rewards as the crucial component of this type of stuttering treatment.     

TREATING OVERWEIGHT CHILDREN THROUGH PARENTAL TRAINING AND CONTINGENCY CONTRACTING1

Fifteen overweight girls aged 5 to 11 yr were randomly assigned to one of two weight-reduction treatments: response-cost plus reinforcement, response-cost only, or a no-treatment control group. In the response-cost plus reinforcement group, parents contracted to facilitate their child's weight loss by carrying out reinforcement and stimulus control techniques, completing weekly charts and graphs, and encouraging their child to exercise. The response-cost only group parents did not contract to reinforce their child's performance. The response-cost program applied to both experimental groups was conducted in weekly meetings in which parents lost previously deposited sums of money. Twenty-five per cent was deducted for missing the weekly meeting, 25% for failing to fill out charts and graphs, and 50% if their child failed to meet her specified weekly weight-loss goal. At the end of the 12-week treatment period, both experimental groups had lost significantly more weight than the control group. After an eight-week, no-contact follow-up, some of the lost weight was regained. The response-cost plus reinforcement group was still significantly below the controls. The response-cost group just missed significance. A 31-week, no-contact follow-up failed to show a treatment effect, but did show a trend towards slower weight gain by the response-cost plus reinforcement group.     

MODIFICATION OF SEIZURE DISORDERS: THE INTERRUPTION OF BEHAVIORAL CHAINS1

This study investigated the effects of interruption and differential reinforcement on seizures in children. Seizures were conceptualized as the terminal link in a behavioral chain, resulting in a strategy aimed at identifying and modifying behaviors that reliably preceded the seizure climax. Seizure frequency was reduced in four of five subjects, whereas the frequency of preseizure behavior was reduced in only three subjects. Parents and school personnel were successfully used as change agents.     

THE EFFECTS OF ACCESS TO SPECIAL ACTIVITIES ON THE PERFORMANCE IN FOUR CATEGORIES OF ACADEMIC TASKS WITH THIRD-GRADE STUDENTS1

An ABAB experimental design was used to evaluate the effects of access to recreational activities contingent on the completion of at least 80% of academic tasks assigned daily. Requirements in four task categories (writing, copying words, spelling, and dictionary skills) were specified daily and students were required to complete at least 80% of the requirements in each category correctly in order to participate in daily recreational activities. The procedure produced reliable and educationally important increases in the task performance of all 19 third-grade students in the study. Most of the difference in the performance of each child between experimental conditions was on the spelling and dictionary tasks, although there were also improvements on the writing and words-copied tasks for those students showing the greatest overall change in performance. The procedure was easily implemented by the teacher alone, required only materials and equipment typically found in elementary schools, and produced changes in performance important enough to the teacher that she continued to use the basic procedure after the evaluation program was terminated.     

Attention in the pigeon: a reevaluation

During training sessions, pigeons were successively exposed to compounds consisting of a white triangle on a red background and a white circle on a green background. Key pecking intermittently produced grain reinforcers in the presence of one form-color compound. Once key pecking was confined to the compound associated with reinforcement, the elements—red, green, triangle, and circle—were presented during a test in which no reinforcement was available. Each bird pecked nearly exclusively in the presence of the color previously associated with reinforcement, a result that might be interpreted as indicating that the subjects had attended to color, but not form during training. Pecking was next reinforced when either the triangle or the circle was present. Pecking in the presence of the form previously associated with reinforcement was acquired more rapidly. This result suggests that the birds had learned about the forms during training, and that conclusions about attention based on the lack of differential pecking in the nonreinforcement test may not be appropriate.     

Instructed versus shaped human verbal behavior: Interactions with nonverbal responding

Undergraduate students' presses on left and right buttons occasionally made available points exchangeable for money. Blue lights over the buttons were correlated with multiple random-ratio random-interval components; usually, the random-ratio schedule was assigned to the left button and the random-interval to the right. During interruptions on the multiple schedule, students filled out sentence-completion guess sheets (e.g., The way to earn points with the left button is to...). For different groups, guesses were shaped with differential points also worth money (e.g., successive approximations to “press fast” for the left button), or were instructed (e.g., Write “press slowly” for the left button), or were simply collected. Control of rate of pressing by guesses was examined in individual cases by reversing shaped or instructed guesses, by instructing pressing rates, and/or by reversing multiple-schedule contingencies. Shaped guesses produced guess-consistent pressing even when guessed rates opposed those characteristic of the contingencies (e.g., slow random-ratio and fast random-interval rates), whereas guesses and rates of pressing rarely corresponded after unsuccessful shaping of guesses or when guessing had no differential consequences. Instructed guesses and pressing were inconsistently related. In other words, when verbal responses were shaped (contingency-governed), they controlled nonverbal responding. When they were instructed (rule-governed), their control of nonverbal responding was inconsistent: the verbal behavior sometimes controlled, sometimes was controlled by, and sometimes was independent of the nonverbal behavior.     

AIDS and ‘dirt’: Reflections on the ethics of ritual cleanliness

AIDS and the responses and attitudes it evokes surpass the analytic abilities of standard bioethics. These responses and attitudes are explored in terms of literary and anthropological categories, such as dirt, disorder, pollution and ritual cleanliness. Implications for medical education are suggested.     

选择、自我表达与选择扩散效应

自我表达会影响西方人的态度, 产生选择扩散效应。国外相关的跨文化研究发现东方人不存在该效应。通过4个实验研究中国文化下自我表达对选择态度的影响, 发现选择方式(主动、被动)和自我表达形式(直接、间接)对选择态度产生影响。无论是自己的主动选择还是强加的被动选择, 直接的自我表达会增加对所获对象的喜爱程度, 表现为对获得性的肯定。研究者认为, 两种选择方式下不同的心理加工过程导致了这种获得性：直接表达使个人态度暴露在外, 进行主动选择时要对他人的给予做出肯定回应; 而进行被动选择时, 人们要减缓因利益受损可能导致的失调, 同时中国文化下的面子策略也使人们增加对所获对象的喜爱程度。不过, 间接的自我表达对选择态度的影响不明显。研究者认为, 多个影响因素的相互消长使选择态度得以维持。     

Taking As: Experience & Judgment in the Life of Agents

Although appearances may deceive them, agents are capable of achieving their ends; this success is frequently explained by the fact that the agents may, for example, see a stick in water as bent without believing that it is actually bent. Although the notion of ‘seeing as’ is supposed to both bridge the gap between experience and action and explain our reaction to illusions, such accounts break down because of their exclusive focus on visual episodes and their tendency to interpret the metaphysics of agency in a psychologistic fashion. This paper shows that ‘seeing as’ needs to be understood as a species of the genus ‘taking as.’ The genus admits a wider array of expression, in terms of the kinds of attitudes, actions, and epistemological statuses involved. Such an analysis allows us to avoid the problems of ‘seeing as’ accounts and deepens our understanding of the relationship between practical and theoretical reason.     

Tradición cognitivista de la psicología social

RESUMEN

El presente trabajo tiene por objeto realizar una revisión histórica de la tradición cognitivista en la psicología social. Como se recoge en este artículo, la Psicología Social fue siempre, al menos en parte, cognitiva y en los últimos años más aún, constituyendo incluso lo que se ha venido en llamar Psicología Social Cognitiva. Es más, las relaciones de colaboración entre la Psicología Social y la Psicología Cognitiva han sido estrechísimas en los últimos años. Sin embargo, no todos los psicólogos sociales actuales aceptan esta unidad cognición social-cognición no social. También es importante resaltar que el enfoque cognitivo no es el único en la Psicología Social actual existiendo otros enfoques que resaltan otras facetas del ser humano, como son los factores transculturales, antropológicos, etc.