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41.
This study presents new measures of opinion about progress toward racial equality and provides a multifaceted rationale for preferring the new measures to the old ones. To reduce several sources of measurement error and improve analytic bite by breaking progress into its constituent elements, surveys should ask about past, present, and ideal conditions, not “progress.” These questions reveal racially polarized opinions: Black and White Americans agree on the goal of equality and agree that conditions were worse in the past, but Blacks think conditions were much worse than Whites do. They especially differ in opinions on current conditions and thus in how much change is required to achieve the goal of equality. Blacks see much more current inequality than Whites do. These opinions help explain preferences for affirmative action (AA). Contrary to previously published findings, reactions to AA do not depend on opinions on progress but depend strongly on something related but distinct: how much current racial conditions differ from the ideal. Implications for theories of policy preferences, racial attitudes, progress, and equality are discussed.  相似文献   
42.
Using data collected in Canada, the United States, and the United Kingdom, this article examines the determinants of attitudes toward immigrants. In particular, we draw on the literature in social psychology to explore the role of locus of control in promoting more ethnocentric and restrictive attitudes towards immigration. We conceptualize control at three levels: (1) perceptions of individual locus of control (i.e., feeling that one can control one's own circumstances), (2) perceptions of societal control (i.e., feeling that one's country has control over immigration), and (3) perceptions of an outgroup's locus of control (i.e., feeling that an outgroup's social circumstances are attributable to dispositional rather than external factors). Results show that all three measures of control are important predictors of negative attitudes toward immigrants: Those who feel in control (personally or as a society) are less hostile towards immigrants, while those who attribute negative outcomes to immigrants' predispositions are also more hostile. Results also suggest that measures of control are related to, but distinct from, both partisanship and racial prejudice.  相似文献   
43.
Background: Past research underscores the key role of coping strategies in the development, maintenance, and exacerbation of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) symptoms. The goal of the current study was to extend existing literature by examining whether race/ethnicity moderates the relations among coping strategies (social support, problem-solving, avoidance) and PTSD symptom clusters (intrusion, avoidance, numbing, arousal).

Methods: Participants were 369 community women (134 African Americans, 131 Latinas, 104 Whites) who reported bidirectional aggression with a current male partner. Multigroup path analysis was utilized to test the moderating role of race/ethnicity in a model linking coping strategies to PTSD symptom clusters.

Results: The strength and direction of relations among coping strategies and PTSD symptom clusters varied as a function of race/ethnicity. Greater social support coping was related to more arousal symptoms for Latinas and Whites. Greater problem-solving coping was related to fewer arousal symptoms for Latinas. Greater avoidance coping was related to more symptoms across many of the PTSD clusters for African Americans, Latinas, and Whites, however, these relations were strongest for African Americans.

Conclusion: Results provide support for the moderating role of race/ethnicity in the relations among coping strategies and PTSD symptom clusters, and highlight potential targets for culturally informed PTSD treatments.  相似文献   
44.
Racial identity means different things to members of different racial and ethnic groups in the United States. However, while the study of race and politics is often the study of White racial attitudes ( Dawson & Cohen, 2003 ), research on racial identity almost always refers to non-White identity. This article addresses this hole in the literature by examining the extent and effects of White identity. We compare White identification and Black identification using National Election Studies data (1972–2000) and examine the relationships between racial identity and racial and political attitudes. This study adds a missing case to the study of racial identity, tests how well the theories about the concept travel across cases, and highlights the need for more frequent studies of the racial identity of all groups.  相似文献   
45.
Reacting aggressively to injustice at work: a cognitive stage model   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
The present article develops a cognitive stage model of workplace aggression, which contends that aggressive reactions to perceived injustice are cognitively construed following three cognitive steps that include the assessment stage, the accountability stage, and the decision stage. These three cognitive stages are essential in understanding victims’ retaliatory actions against perpetrators of injustices. The model’s implications for research and practice are discussed.  相似文献   
46.
分配公正、程序公正、互动公正影响效果的差异   总被引:12,自引:3,他引:9  
以大学生奖学金评比为例,探讨了组织公正各维度影响效果的差异。以661名大学生为被试,采用2×2×2的完全随机设计,以情境故事法(scenarios)呈现刺激,研究了奖学金评比中分配公正、程序公正、互动公正对大学生学习投入、班级荣誉感、班级归属感、与辅导员的关系的影响。结果表明,组织公正三个维度与效果变量之间存在清晰的对应影响关系:分配公正主要影响具体、以个人为参照的效果变量;程序公正主要影响与组织有关的效果变量;互动公正主要影响与上司有关的效果变量。  相似文献   
47.
This paper draws together current scholarship regarding affect, habit and social change to suggest that attending to the affective dimension of habits in pedagogy and education develops a novel account that not only begins to explain why transforming habits of inattention to structural racial injustice proves particularly difficult in educational settings; this account can also offer new pedagogical openings for educators and students to engage more productively with the negative affective responses (e.g. denial, defensiveness, resentment) that often result from pedagogical efforts to disrupt these habits. Rather than seeing habits as conservative forces of routine and passive behavior, recent theorizing in affect theory and cultural geography pays attention to habits as affective and performative forces that influence the emergence of environment and can transform socio-spatial, affective, and material conditions. As such, the paper argues that a critical re-appraisal of the notion of habit in pedagogy and education, where the role of affect is central, can provide a fruitful terrain for understanding the ethical, material and affective complexities of transforming habits of inattention to structural racial injustice.  相似文献   
48.
Participants rated the attractiveness and racial typicality of male faces varying in their facial features from Afrocentric to Eurocentric and in skin tone from dark to light in two experiments. Experiment 1 provided evidence that facial features and skin tone have an interactive effect on perceptions of attractiveness and mixed-race faces are perceived as more attractive than single-race faces. Experiment 2 further confirmed that faces with medium levels of skin tone and facial features are perceived as more attractive than faces with extreme levels of these factors. Black phenotypes (combinations of dark skin tone and Afrocentric facial features) were rated as more attractive than White phenotypes (combinations of light skin tone and Eurocentric facial features); ambiguous faces (combinations of Afrocentric and Eurocentric physiognomy) with medium levels of skin tone were rated as the most attractive in Experiment 2. Perceptions of attractiveness were relatively independent of racial categorization in both experiments.  相似文献   
49.
The messages youth receive in schools about how they matter as individuals and as members of ethnic‐racial groups are influential in constructing their developing ethnic‐racial identities (ERI). However, the developing ERI students hold also have a role in shaping their experiences at school. The current study examined the longitudinal and reciprocal association between ERI (exploration and resolution) and school climate (support for cultural pluralism and teacher supportiveness) among 491 Black, Latino, and White middle school youth (Mage = 12.03, SD = 1.05, range: 11–17) in the Midwest. Cross‐lagged analyses revealed that greater perceptions of support for cultural pluralism within the school predicted greater exploration and resolution at later time points for all students. Moreover, greater exploration and resolution among White students was predictive of greater perceptions of support for cultural pluralism at the school. Higher quality teacher–student relationships predicted greater engagement in ERI exploration for all youth. The findings highlight the importance of school climate in helping shape ERI among youth attending a culturally diverse school and the role of such youth in shaping the climate at their school.  相似文献   
50.
《Journal of Global Ethics》2013,9(2-3):269-281
Our understanding of the impact of gender on refugee determination has evolved greatly over the last 60 years. Though many people initially believed that women could not be persecuted qua women, it is now frequently recognized that certain forms of gender-related persecution are sufficient to warrant asylum. Yet despite this conceptual progress, many states are still reluctant to consider certain forms of gender-related persecution to be sufficient to warrant asylum or refugee status. One reason for this continued bias is the lack of a framework with which to understand gender-related persecution. I argue that we ought to understand gender-related persecution as resulting from the intersection of individual or state persecution and structural injustice. Structural injustice can be understood as the kind of everyday injustice, harm, and violence that women experience that makes possible the more extraordinary kinds of violence that women are likely to claim as the basis of asylum. Understanding gender-related persecution within the context of structural injustice will, I argue, help us to see it as a legitimate form of persecution and thus allow more just outcomes for women refugees.  相似文献   
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