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211.
212.
We evaluated the effects of public posting, goal setting, and oral feedback on the skills of 3 female high school soccer players during practice scrimmages. The dependent variables were the percentage of appropriate responses when the player (a) kept and maintained possession of the ball, (b) moved to an open position during a game restart (e.g., goal or corner kick), and (c) moved to an open position after passing the ball. We also assessed the extent to which changes in practice performances generalized to games. A social validity questionnaire was completed by both players and coaches to assess the acceptability of the intervention's goals, procedures, and outcomes. Results indicate that the intervention was effective in improving performances during practice scrimmages but produced limited generalization to game settings. 相似文献
213.
Democratic politicians face pressures unknown to the prerogative rulers of the early modern period when toleration was first
formulated as a political ideal. These pressures are less often expressed as demands by groups or individuals for the permission
of practices they dislike than for their restraint or outright prohibition; tolerant dispositions are less politically clamorous.
The executive structure of toleration as a virtue, together with the ‘fact of reasonable pluralism’, make conflicts over toleration
peculiarly intractable. Political conflicts are apt to take the form of mutual allegations ofintolerance; indeed, the problem
of ‘tolerating the intolerant’, far from being a marginal case, is central to the theory and practice of toleration. Toleration
thus exemplifies a category mistake committed in much contemporary political theory, particularly in its contractualist versions:
the threshold of the political lies precisely where rational agreement proves impossible. The main prospects for democratic
toleration are thus pre-emptive. The main way in which this can happen is by cultivating executive dispositions: in other
words, encouraging people to detach themselves from strong evaluative commitments, so that toleration does not become politically
contentious to start with. But this involves losses as well as gains. The gains in civil harmony and peace are obvious. The
cost for tolerant political actors is alienation from what they have good reason to value.
This revised version was published online in August 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date. 相似文献
214.
医院公共空间环境对病人心理的影响分析 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
医院公共空间设置应契合使用者对医院总体空间的使用需求,分析其心理、生理和行为特点,满足病人生理、心理和行为的需求。充分考虑病人对空间环境的响应度,对不同空间类型应提供多样支持,关注空间环境对病人的生理、心理和行为的影响,顺应医疗流程,防止和控制交叉感染。 相似文献
215.
医疗纠纷非诉讼解决机制与和谐医患关系 总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0
医疗纠纷的急剧攀升与解决医疗纠纷的方式和途径较为单一、过分倚重诉讼有直接的关系.要改变医疗纠纷的现状,构建和谐医患关系,必须克服法治等于诉讼的误区,建立以法律规范为指导,以预防机制为基础,以非诉讼解决机制为主要方式,以法律诉讼为最终途径的多元化的医疗纠纷解决机制. 相似文献
216.
Lustig B. Andrew 《Christian Bioethics: Non-Ecumenical Studies in Medical Morality》2007,13(2):225-244
Abortion is an especially salient issue for considering thegeneral problematic of religiously based conversation in thepublic square. It remains deeply divisive, fully thirty-fouryears after Roe v. Wade. Such divisiveness cannot be interpretedas merely an expression of profound differences between "secular"and "religious" voices, because differences also emerge amongChristian denominations, reflecting different sources of moralauthority, different accounts of moral discernment, and differentjudgments about the appropriate relations between law and moralityin the context of pluralism. As this paper explores, however,despite those differences, a generally identifiable "Christian"position concerning the moral status of abortion can be distinguishedfrom secular philosophical judgments on the issue, which isimportant for Christian engagement with public policy debate. 相似文献
217.
Dahua Cui 《Frontiers of Philosophy in China》2007,2(4):517-532
In a society dominated by Confucian ethics, a spirit of Confucian public morality can be seen in the Confucian debate over
publicness and privateness, but it is usually activated in circumstances of large ethical crisis. Confucian theory mainly
uses ethical relationships to create self and social identities, causing problems of identification in the public life and
hindering the expression of moral feelings and actions, thus revealing a weakness in public morality. This is a space that
Confucianism has not yet been able to cover, and also where it has room for growth.
Translated by Huang Deyuan from Wen Shi Zhe 文史哲 (Journal of Literature, History and Philosophy), 2006, (1): 30–36 相似文献
218.
This article addresses the challenges of defining and accurately identifying elder self‐neglect and explores an interdisciplinary team model, including counselors and mental health professionals, designed to implement prevention and intervention strategies. The challenge of striking a balance between the need to respect the individual elders' autonomy and the need to attend to their health care needs is underscored. 相似文献
219.
HERMAN T. TAVANI 《Metaphilosophy》2007,38(1):1-22
Abstract: This essay critically examines some classic philosophical and legal theories of privacy, organized into four categories: the nonintrusion, seclusion, limitation, and control theories of privacy. Although each theory includes one or more important insights regarding the concept of privacy, I argue that each falls short of providing an adequate account of privacy. I then examine and defend a theory of privacy that incorporates elements of the classic theories into one unified theory: the Restricted Access/Limited Control (RALC) theory of privacy. Using an example involving data‐mining technology on the Internet, I show how RALC can help us to frame an online privacy policy that is sufficiently comprehensive in scope to address a wide range of privacy concerns that arise in connection with computers and information technology. 相似文献
220.
Geoffrey C. Layman Kerem Ozan Kalkan John C. Green 《Journal for the scientific study of religion》2014,53(3):534-555
Rumors that President Barack Obama is a Muslim were rampant during the 2008 presidential campaign and continued well into his presidency. These rumors were widely believed, were electorally consequential, and are part of a growing trend of politically motivated misconceptions. Thus, relying principally on the theory of motivated reasoning, we examine the factors that shaped citizens’ beliefs about and responses to messages about Obama's faith. Using an original survey experiment and data from the 2008–2009 American National Election Study panel, we show that citizens’ responses to rumors about Obama's religion were shaped by political predispositions, political awareness, and their interactions. Identification of Obama with Islam was most widespread, and the cues encouraging such identification were most successful, among individuals with low levels of political awareness, conservative and Republican identifications, and negative views of cultural out‐groups. Viewing Obama as Muslim was significantly less prevalent among people with high levels of awareness and with the opposite set of predispositions. 相似文献