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941.
The aim of this paper is to defend the causal efficacy of consciousness against two specters of epiphenomenalism. We argue
that these challenges are best met, on the one hand, by rejecting all forms of consciousness-body dualism, and on the other,
by adopting a dynamical systems approach to understanding the causal efficacy of conscious experience. We argue that this
non-reductive identity theory provides the theoretical resources for reconciling the reality and efficacy of consciousness
with the neurophysiology of the brain and body.
相似文献
Itay Shani (Corresponding author)Email: |
942.
同性恋认同发展的理论模型述评 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
本质论取向的阶段模型和社会建构论取向的影响因素模型是早期的同性恋认同发展理论,两者对性倾向是否为人类的本质属性产生了激烈的争论。当代发展心理学从生态化理论、毕生发展观、生命历程观出发试图对这两种研究取向进行整合,并提出了相应的模型。未来的研究应该注意同性恋认同发展多样性的特点,正确理解对外暴露在认同发展中的作用,并把纵向研究作为以后的研究方向。最后,提出了中国同性恋认同的特点和本土化研究的假设 相似文献
943.
Tom R. Tyler 《Australian journal of psychology》2009,61(1):32-39
The group engagement model has two core arguments. The first is that procedural justice shapes rule‐following in groups, organisations and societies. The second is that the influence of procedural justice upon rule‐following is mediated by changes in people's identification with groups. This study uses a sample of South Africans to test both arguments. While the procedural justice argument has already been widely tested and supported, this study extends that test to a society in rapid transition and upheaval. Further, it tests the identity mediation argument in the same context. The results support both arguments. Procedural justice shapes rule‐following and that influence is mediated by identification with superordinate authority. 相似文献
944.
Abstract: To respond to globalization-related challenges, many contemporary political theorists have argued for forms of democracy beyond the level of the nation-state. Since the early 1990s, however, political theory has also witnessed a renewed normative defense of nationhood. Liberal nationalists have been influential in claiming that the state should protect and promote national identities, and that it is desirable that the boundaries of national and political units coincide. At first glance, both positions—global democracy and nationalism—seem to contradict each other. We do not share this oppositional picture. Developing a more harmonic picture of nationalist ideals and cosmopolitan visions is the aim of this essay. 相似文献
945.
HILDE LINDEMANN 《Metaphilosophy》2009,40(3-4):416-424
Abstract: This essay takes a close look at a species of care that is particularly needed by people with progressive dementias but that has not been much discussed in the bioethics literature: the activity of holding the person in her or his identity. It presses the claim that close family members have a special responsibility to hold on to the demented person's identity for her or him, and offers some criteria for doing this morally well or badly. Finally, it considers how even those with dementia can hold others in their identities, and suggests that this kind of holding too can have great moral worth. 相似文献
946.
947.
Cynthia J. Becker 《Contemporary Islam》2009,3(2):143-166
Since the reign of King Mohammed VI in 1999, there has been a recent democratic trend in Morocco that has led to political
liberalization and symbolic concessions. This essay explores how a new generation of artists is beginning to test the notions
of the Islam, the monarch, and the rights of ethnic groups and women within Morocco. I argue that while they are beginning
to test the limits of recent religious, social, and political reforms, these artists show self-restrain and selfcensorship,
creating art that falls within the public discourse allowed by the new Moroccan king.
相似文献
Cynthia J. BeckerEmail: |
948.
Todd Lucas Cort Rudolph Ludmila Zhdanova Evone Barkho Nathan Weidner 《Political psychology》2014,35(6):775-793
Harsh treatment of others can reflect an underlying motivation to view the world as fair and just and also a dispositional tendency to believe in justice. However, there is a critical need to refine and expand existing knowledge, not only to identify underlying psychological processes but also to better understand how justice may be implicated in support for exclusionary policies. Across two studies, we show that support for policies that restrict immigrants is exclusively associated with thoughts about fair outcomes for other people (distributive justice for others). In Study 1, Americans' dispositional tendency to believe in distributive justice for others was associated with greater support for a policy proposing to further restrict immigrant job seekers' capacity to gain employment in the United States. In Study 2, we experimentally primed thoughts about justice in a sample of U.S. police officers. Support for a policy that mandated stricter policing of illegal immigration was strongest among officers who first thought about fair outcomes for other people, relative to other unique justice primes. Across both studies, distributive justice for others was associated with greater collective angst—perceived threat towards the future existence of Americans. Moreover, collective angst mediated the link between distributive justice for others and support for restrictive policies. Overall, this research suggests that thoughts about distributive justice for others can especially diminish compassion towards immigrants and other underprivileged groups via support for exclusionary policies. In addition, merely thinking about distributive justice for others may be sufficient to amplify social callousness. 相似文献
949.
950.
本研究依据社会信息加工理论探讨了感知社会支持对道德敏感性的影响,并基于社会认知模型探讨了道德认同内在化和表征化在其中的中介作用。对387名中国大学生进行问卷调查分析,结果表明感知社会支持显著正向影响道德敏感性,仅道德认同内在化在感知社会支持和道德敏感性间起中介作用。这一研究结果拓展了有关道德敏感性影响因素的研究,为增强个体道德敏感性提供了理论依据。 相似文献