Rousing the Partisan Combatant: Elite Incivility,Anger, and Antideliberative Attitudes

The claim that elite political incivility can rouse partisan, antideliberative attitudes has many adherents, but the empirical record demonstrating a relationship is surprisingly limited. Yet the extant research suggests that incivility can stimulate aversive feelings, of the sort that discrete and dimensional theories of emotion predict should induce a partisan, antideliberative mode of citizenship among those exposed. Leveraging two online experiments, I address the questions of whether elite incivility provokes anger, rather than enthusiasm and anxiety, and whether the affective reactions induced by incivility yield the changes in deliberative attitudes that theories of emotion predict. I find that elite incivility, when counterattitudinal, rouses anger, which in turn can provoke an active and combative form of partisan citizenship. Despite claims to the contrary, the link between proattitudinal incivility, anger, and antideliberative attitudes is less clear. The results provide insight into the dynamics of discourse in the digital age, when affective polarization is the norm and elites commonly employ uncivil rhetoric.     

Voting “Against Islamization”? How Anti‐Islamic Right‐Wing,Populist Political Campaign Ads Influence Explicit and Implicit Attitudes Toward Muslims as Well as Voting Preferences

We explore the effects of anti‐Islamic right‐wing, populist political campaign ads on voting intention for a right‐wing populist party using a quota‐based online experiment (N = 174). Additionally, we investigate implicit attitudes (i.e., automatic affective associations) and explicit attitudes (i.e., overtly expressed evaluations) toward Muslims as underlying mechanisms of these effects. We find that exposure to the political campaign ads prompts explicit hostile attitudes toward Muslims mediated by implicit attitudes. Explicit attitudes in turn shape voting intention. Moreover, implicit attitudes toward Muslims predict voting preference beyond the influence of explicit attitudes. Thus, resentments toward Muslims may foster voters’ support for anti‐Islamic right‐wing populist parties even “under the radar” of conscious awareness. In sum, this study demonstrates for the first time the entire process of right‐wing, populist political campaign ads’ effects on voting preferences via implicit and explicit attitudes toward Muslims.     

公平感对社会认知的影响:经济因素的调节作用

目的及方法:基于中国综合社会调查2010年数据,采用多层结构方程模型,探究中国民众公平感对社会认知的作用,及经济因素在其中的调节效应。研究结果:第一,公平感越高,则社会冲突感越低,外在政治效能感越高,越倾向于对社会不平等进行内部归因,即对于社会的整体认知更加积极; 第二,经济因素能调节公平感与社会不平等内归因的关系,具体而言,经济水平越低,则公平感对于社会不平等的内部归因正向预测作用越大。     

The use of the political categories of Brexiter and Remainer in online comments about the EU referendum

In June 2016, the United Kingdom held a referendum on EU membership; 52% of those who voted, voted to leave, and 48% voted to remain. During the referendum campaign, two identities emerged: “Brexiter” and “Remainer,” which remained salient post‐referendum. This study explores how the categories of Brexiter and Remainer were deployed by posters online. Data comprise comment threads collected from four online newspapers both during the campaign and after the vote, which focus on the Brexit campaign promise: “We send £350m a week to the EU. Let's fund our NHS instead.” We draw on membership categorization analysis and discursive psychology to analyse when categories were made salient and what responses to the invocation of categories were. Analysis revealed that posters explicitly categorize the out‐group and in doing so implicitly define their group. Posters resisted other political identities when attributed to them in relation to the referendum. The analysis shows how Brexiter and Remainer are new, albeit contested, political categories and identities in their own right, with other political identities resisted when used. The paper highlights implications for the political system in the United Kingdom and for social divisions within U.K. society.     

契约参与度对人际信任的影响

从契约制定过程角度,探究个体制定契约参与度对人际信任的影响及其机制。现场研究结果表明参与制定宿舍契约能提升宿舍人际信任,认同感在其中起中介作用。实验室实验结果表明:契约参与度不但能提升被试对其他被试的情感(善心)和认知(依赖)信任,而且能提升被试在信任游戏中对其他被试的信任行为; 并且认同感在前者的关系中起中介作用。综合两个研究结果,契约参与度能提高对共同参与制定契约的同伴的信任,且社会认同能解释这种影响。     

Examining how people reason about controversial scientific topics

Improving scientific literacy requires examining both what people believe about scientific issues and why they hold those beliefs. We examined how people justified their agreement with statements regarding evolution, climate change, genetically modified foods, and vaccinations. Participants rated their level of agreement with statements reflecting the scientific consensus on these topics, then responded to open-ended questions asking them to justify their position and to generate challenges to their belief. Responses to individual difference measures allowed us to assess the relationship between participants’ positions on these scientific issues and cognitive style, conspiracy ideation, religious service attendance, and political ideology. Qualitative analyses revealed inconsistent and topic-specific patterns of reasoning. Additionally, greater agreement with scientific conclusions was related to a greater predisposition towards analytical thinking and stronger self-reported political liberalism. These findings provide a next step for better understanding why some individuals reject science and for developing more effective means of improving science acceptance.     

Liberal–conservative dimension of moral concerns underlying political faction formation in Taiwan

Moral foundations theory provides a framework for understanding the traditional liberal–conservative dichotomy in political factions. Typically, factions on the liberal side are more concerned with individualizing foundations—including care/harm and fairness/cheating—for the protection of individual rights and welfare whereas factions on the conservative side are concerned with both individualizing and binding foundations—including loyalty/betrayal, authority/subversion, and sanctity/degradation—for the maintenance of existing social ethics. Our research extended this framework to the analysis of Taiwanese political factions, which are not distributed conspicuously along the liberal–conservative line but instead on whether Taiwan should become a legally independent state or unify with the People's Republic of China (Mainland China). Our results indicate that despite the scarce use of the terms liberal or left and conservative or right in common communication, a liberal–conservative dimension underlies the Taiwanese political spectrum. Specifically, supporters of Taiwan independence exhibit liberal‐like moral concerns whereas supporters of China unification and the status quo demonstrate conservative‐like moral concerns. Moreover, indirect effects exist through moral foundations from political factions to stances on social issues; this is especially prevalent in the case of Taiwan independence camp's clear support for the legalization of same‐sex marriage, a stance resulting from anti‐authoritarian moral and political characteristics.     

大学生社会排斥对社交焦虑的影响：负面评价恐惧与人际信任的作用

为探讨大学生社会排斥对社交焦虑的影响以及负面评价恐惧和人际信任在二者之间的作用机制,研究采用大学生社会排斥问卷（SEQU）、社交焦虑量表（SASSCS）、负面评价恐惧量表（BFNES）及人际信任量表（ITS）对450名大学生进行测试。结果表明：（1）大学生社会排斥不仅对个体的社交焦虑水平产生影响,还会通过负面评价恐惧的中介作用对社交焦虑产生影响;（2）人际信任能够调节大学生社会排斥对社交焦虑的直接作用,具体而言,与高人际信任的大学生相比较,较低人际信任的大学生的社会排斥对社交焦虑的预测作用更加显著。     

睾酮与人类决策行为

睾酮是一种类固醇激素, 主要的雄性激素之一。在神经科学与神经内分泌学领域中, 早期研究发现睾酮会对人类的攻击性、社会交往、冲动性等方面产生一定的影响; 后来心理学研究者开始关注睾酮与决策之间的关系, 包括社会性决策的信任、合作、利他与竞争方面以及经济性决策的风险决策。多项研究显示, 睾酮的水平与经济性决策中的风险寻求行为呈正相关关系; 在社会性决策领域中, 高睾酮水平的个体会表现出更高的攻击性、支配性和公平性行为, 同时表现出更低的人际信任。然而这些研究结果也存在难以重复验证的现象, 需要更多的研究探寻可能影响睾酮与决策的其他因素。未来对睾酮与决策的研究可以关注睾酮与消费决策领域、探寻青少年睾酮水平与社会行为的关系以及临床应用等。     

Applying the extended theory of planned behaviour to predict Chinese people's non‐remunerated blood donation intention and behaviour: The roles of perceived risk and trust in blood collection agencies

Against the backdrop of critical clinical blood shortage in China in recent years, the present research extends the theory of planned behaviour by incorporating two constructs potentially of importance in influencing non‐remunerated blood donation behaviour, namely perceived risk and individual trust in blood collection agencies to predict Chinese people's non‐remunerated blood donation intention and behaviour. A survey was conducted to measure variables of the theory of planned behaviour, and other variables such as experience of non‐remunerated blood donation, perceived risk and individual trust in blood collection agencies. Data to assess non‐remunerated blood donation behaviour were collected via phone interviews. Results of the path analysis are as follows. Subjective norm, perceived behavioural control and individual trust in blood collection agencies are all positively associated with attitudes toward non‐remunerated blood donation, explaining 46.9% of the variance in this variable. Perceived risk is negatively associated with blood donation intention, while subjective norm and attitudes toward non‐remunerated blood donation are both positively associated with blood donation intention. Together, the three variables account for 28.4% of the variance in donation intention. Both having a positive association with non‐remunerated blood donation behaviour, the combination of blood donation intention and donation experience explains 42.8% of its variance.