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91.
Res Publica - What sorts of reasons are i) required and ii) morally acceptable when citizens in a pluralist liberal democracy undertake to resolve pressing political issues? This paper presents and... 相似文献
92.
Shana Levin 《Political psychology》2000,21(3):603-620
This article describes ways in which political psychology can be incorporated into undergraduate course curricula. The challenges of teaching political psychology to undergraduate students are discussed, and possibilities for the content and structure of undergraduate courses in political psychology are examined in the context of active learning. Suggestions for the development of an undergraduate major in political psychology are offered. 相似文献
93.
On the political right,the customer is always right: Political ideology,entitlement, and complaining
Across three preregistered studies and five supplementary datasets, we predicted and found that conservatives were more inclined to complain than liberals due to conservative consumers feeling a greater sense of entitlement. This research contributes to the literature by introducing consumer entitlement as a novel explanation for ideological differences in consumer behavior, and by building on previous work suggesting that conservative consumers complain less than liberals (Journal of Consumer Research, 2017, 44 , 477). Evidence is provided across several service contexts and types of complaining behaviors. Study 1 and 4 supplementary datasets supported the basic process. Next, theory-relevant boundary conditions provided converging process evidence. In Study 2, complaining intentions decreased among conservatives when they felt less (vs. more) entitled than the target of social comparison. In Study 3, complaining intentions decreased among conservatives when a service recovery was framed as providing special treatment. Implications and future research directions are discussed. 相似文献
94.
民族道德与社会政治道德具有不可分割的关系。一般说来,民族道德易受制于政治道德,而民族道德又会反作用于政治道德,同时,民族道德与政治道德作为一种有联系的精神实体,又会在相互影响、相互作用的过程中协调发展。 相似文献
95.
Luciano Arcuri Luigi Castelli Silvia Galdi Cristina Zogmaister Alessandro Amadori 《Political psychology》2008,29(3):369-387
Two studies assessed the predictive validity of implicit political attitudes in relation to voting behavior. In Study 1 , we demonstrated the validity of the adopted measure (i.e., the IAT; Greenwald, McGhee, & Schwartz, 1998 ) with a sample of voters who clearly sided with one of the opposing parties. In Study 2 , implicit political preferences were measured in a sample of undecided voters one month before the election, and actual voting behavior was assessed immediately after the election. Results demonstrated that implicit political attitudes were good predictors of future voting behaviors. These findings support the hypothesis of the presence of embryonic attitudes even in the case of those voters who at the explicit and conscious level deny any preference for one of the two opposing candidates. 相似文献
96.
"以德配天"的天人论思想以及"明德慎罚"的主张,是西周时期实施道德教化的理论前提和宗旨。从内容上看,这一时期的道德教化主要包括政德教化、王室教化和民众教化,其教化内容、方式与体制也各具特色,这对我国儒家德教思想、传统治国方略和蒙养教育等优良传统的形成和家训演进都产生了广泛而深远的影响。 相似文献
97.
Karin de Boer 《International Journal of Philosophical Studies》2013,21(4):534-558
AbstractThis article challenges Honneth’s reading of Hegel’s Philosophy of Right in The Pathologies of Individual Freedom: Hegel’s Social Theory (2001/2010). Focusing on Hegel’s method, I argue that this text hardly offers support for the theory of mutual recognition that Honneth purports to derive from it. After critically considering Honneth’s interpretation of Hegel’s account of the family and civil society, I argue that Hegel’s text does not warrant Honneth’s tacit identification of mutual recognition with symmetrical instances of mutual recognition, let alone his subsequent projection of symmetrical forms of mutual recognition onto the various spheres of the Philosophy of Right as a whole. I conclude by indicating an alternative way in which Hegel’s text might be used to understand contemporary society. 相似文献
98.
Diego Garzia 《Political psychology》2013,34(1):67-89
This article investigates the effects of the deep transformations in the relationship between West European class‐mass parties and their electorates. Particular attention is paid to the changing nature of individuals' partisan attachments, which are hypothesized to be less rooted in social and ideological identities and more in individual attitudes towards increasingly visible partisan objects. The main objective of this article is to examine the influence of voters' attitudes towards one of these “objects”—the party leaders—in determining psychological attachments with the parties. The analysis concentrates on the two main cleavage‐based parties in Britain, Germany, Italy, and the Netherlands. The empirical findings highlight the declining ability of social identities (class and religious) to predict individual feelings of partisan attachment, as well as the growing influence of voters' attitudes towards party leaders. The concluding section points to the crucial role that political psychology can play in our understanding of democratic elections' outcomes. 相似文献
99.
100.
基本医疗卫生改革是当前实现“2030健康中国”和新时代下践行人民健康优先战略的一项制度创新。然而,现实中改革仍面临医疗资源配置不均和医疗服务供给效率不高的双重困境。本质上,医疗服务具有公利性与私利性二元属性,进而延伸出立足于公利性属性,基本医疗卫生改革应当坚守“人人公平享有”的政治伦理,鉴于私利性属性改革需要维护医疗市场主体合法逐利的正当权利,政府公利性创造与市场私利驱动是辩证性的哲学思考。我国医改未来应以公民健康与福祉共享为价值依归,始终坚持政府严守底线、市场有序竞争、社会和谐稳定的发展主线。
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