公众政治参与和地方政府信任的关系:一个有调节的中介模型

研究聚焦政府宣传教育,考察公众政治参与和地方政府信任的关系。对2061名有效被试进行问卷调查并分析。结果发现:(1)政治参与显著正向预测地方政府信任;(2)活动有用性评价在政治参与和地方政府信任间起部分中介作用;(3)宣传教育频率负向调节政治参与和有用性评价的关系以及有用性评价的中介效应。上述结果表明,多渠道提升公众政治参与意识,合理把握政府宣传教育频率是促进地方政府信任提高的可选策略。     

Intermanual differences on neuropsychological motor tasks in a Japanese university student sample

We explored the intermanual difference scores of 128 Japanese university students for five typical neuropsychological motor tasks (grip strength, finger tapping, two versions of the grooved pegboard, and the dot‐filling test) and examined the relation between hand preference and intermanual difference in motor proficiency. Using the Edinburgh Handedness Inventory, 18 and 110 participants were identified as left‐ and right‐handed, respectively. Although the right hand performed better than the left for right‐handed participants, and vice versa, in all five tasks, the degree of intermanual difference varied between tasks. A discriminant function analysis using the laterality quotients of the five motor tasks as independent variables indicated that hand preference was predictable from the task performances with an accuracy of 90% or more. The dot‐filling test and finger tapping had stronger canonical loadings than the other tasks.     

Acculturation Preference Profiles of Spaniards and Romanian Immigrants: The Role of Prejudice and Public and Private Acculturation Areas

The main goal of this study was to identify acculturation preference profiles using cluster analysis in public and private areas of culture in the host and immigrant populations, and to find out the relationship between these profiles and prejudice levels. Four hundred and ninety-nine Spaniards and 500 Romanians participated in a survey. The sampling of Spaniards was multistage random and the sampling of Romanians was by quota. The results confirm our predictions. Romanians who are less prejudiced against Spaniards prefer assimilation in public areas and integration in private areas. Romanians who are more prejudiced against Spaniards prefer integration in public areas and separation in private areas. Spaniards who are less prejudiced against Romanians prefer integration in both public and private areas. Spaniards who are more prejudiced against Romanians prefer assimilation in both areas.     

An internet survey of emotional health,treatment seeking and barriers to accessing mental health treatment among Chinese-speaking international students in Australia

The present internet survey examined the demographic characteristics of Chinese-speaking international students in Australia, psychological distress levels as measured by the Kessler-10 (K-10) Item scale, help-seeking history and preferences, as well as treatment barriers. Of the 144 respondents, 54% reported high psychological distress (mean K-10 score?=?23.96; SD?=?9.03). However, only 9% of those who were highly distressed reported they had sought mental health services in the past year. While the majority preferred help from informal social networks, they tended to favour mental health services over traditional culture-specific forms of help. Common barriers to accessing mental health services reported by respondents with high psychological distress included costs or transportation concerns, limited knowledge of available services, time constraints, the perception that symptoms were not severe enough to warrant treatment, language difficulties and lack of knowledge of symptoms of psychological distress. Although the majority preferred face-to-face treatments over internet treatments, a considerable percentage of respondents were willing to try either treatment modality. Chinese-speaking international students are a high risk group for developing psychological distress, yet they tend to underuse mental health services. Education about the effectiveness of face-to-face and online treatments may increase treatment seeking by this population.     

‘A nation of vicars and merchants’: religiosity and Dutch MEPs

Religion is a major driving force in the Dutch political system and as European integration has progressed, it is often argued that these national practices affect how national representatives act in the European Parliament (EP). Our aim in this study is to determine to what extent the religious divide impacts upon the work of Dutch MEPs in the European political arena. On the basis of the RelEP survey and interviews, we argue that religious or secular views are very salient to Dutch MEPs, but that their impact is largely indirect. Moreover, we find that Dutch MEPs actively use the EP and its committee system in an attempt to redefine the relationship between church and state in the Netherlands. And finally, we argue that the European arena offers new opportunities for mobilisation among those promoting secularist interests.     

超文本环境下大学生自我调节学习的特征

随着计算机网络技术的出现和普及,超文本也开始逐渐成为人们阅读和学习的主要信息呈现方式。为了深入地了解大学生在超文本环境下的自我调节学习特点,采用口语报告的方法,使用修订的自我调节学习的过程模型对75名大学生进行研究。结果表明,超文本学习环境中大学生自我调节学习表现出对目标、区分有效信息、时间分配、选择新的信息资源、对情境的利用等过程的使用偏好。优生在目标、学习判断、略读过程上的使用率显著高于差生,差生在求助和无效搜索过程上的使用率显著高于优生。超文本学习环境下大学生自我调节学习存在着过程使用偏好,优差生在自我调节过程中表现出不同的使用偏好。     

Relationships between core ideological motives,social and economic conservatism,and religiosity: Evidence from a Turkish sample

The “conservatism as motivated social cognition” approach posits two core ideological motives underlying political conservatism across cultures. However, there is a scarcity of tests from non‐Western cultures, and much research has failed to distinguish between social and economic conservatism. Using a relatively large undergraduate sample from a non‐Western, predominantly Muslim country (Turkey), we tested the associations among resistance to change and opposition to equality motives, social and economic conservatism, right‐wing political orientation, and religiosity. In line with the “conservatism as motivated social cognition” account, we found that (a) social conservatism is more strongly related to resistance to change (rather than opposition to equality), (b) economic conservatism is more strongly related to opposition to equality (rather than resistance to change), (c) social conservatism is the strongest predictor of right‐wing political orientation among other conservatism measures, and (d) political orientation and religiosity had divergent effects: While right‐wing political orientation was related to economic conservatism, religiosity was inversely related to the latter, providing support for previous work indicating a resemblance between leftists and Islamists in Turkey. The results generally support the motivated social cognition approach to conservatism while also highlighting the importance of distinguishing between social and economic conservatism.     

What’s Your Style? Preliminary Validation of the Gaming Styles Questionnaire

Within-group differences amongst gamers must be considered when studying the psychological correlates of gameplay. A conceptual framework, whereby gaming may be treated as a means to other ends—such as coping with boredom or bonding with friends—or as an end in itself, was the basis upon which the Gaming Styles Questionnaire was developed. Factor analysis and criterion-group validity, based on data obtained from a heterogeneous sample of gamers, offered support to a continuum of gamers, ranging from those for whom gaming is a means to other ends to those for whom gaming is an end in itself. Although age did not correlate with gaming style, men’s endorsement of gaming as an end in itself was stronger than women’s.     

Do Subtle Linguistic Interventions Priming a Social Identity as a Voter Have Outsized Effects on Voter Turnout? Evidence From a New Replication Experiment

An ongoing debate in political psychology is about whether small wording differences have outsized behavioral effects. A leading example is whether subtle linguistic cues embedded in voter mobilization messages dramatically increase turnout. An initial study analyzing two small‐scale field experiments argued that describing someone as a voter (noun) instead of one who votes (verb) increases turnout rates 11 to 14 points because the noun activates a person's social identity as a voter. A subsequent study analyzing a large‐scale field experiment challenged this claim and found no effect. But questions about the initial claim's domain of applicability persist. The subsequent study may not have reproduced the conditions necessary for the psychological phenomenon to occur, specifically the electoral contexts were not competitive or important enough for the social identity to matter. To address the first of these critiques, as well as other potential explanations for different results between the first two studies, we conduct a large‐scale replication field experiment. We find no evidence that this minor wording change increases turnout levels. This research provides new evidence that the strategy of invoking the self does not appear to consistently increase turnout and calls into question whether subtle linguistic cues have outsized behavioral effects.     

Do Disagreeable Political Discussion Networks Undermine Attitude Strength?

How attitudes change and affect behavior depends, in large part, on their strength. Strong attitudes are more resistant to persuasion and are more likely to produce attitude‐consistent behavior. But what influences attitude strength? In this article, we explore a widely discussed, but rarely investigated, factor: an individual's political discussion network. What prior work exists offers a somewhat mixed picture, finding sometimes that disagreeable networks weaken attitudes and other times that they strengthen attitudes. We use a novel national representative dataset to explore the relationship between disagreeable networks and attitude strength. We find, perhaps surprisingly, no evidence that disagreements in networks affect political attitude strength. We conclude by discussing likely reasons for our findings, which, in turn, provide a research agenda for the study of networks and attitude strength.