Factors associated with cyclists’ self-reported choice of lane position

Riders cycling on roads without bicycle lanes are generally advised to ride in the centre of their lane (primary position), and to move toward the left of the lane (in left-hand traffic; secondary position) only to let faster traffic pass and when it is safe. The present research investigated which situational and personal characteristics were associated with choice of lane position, and whether choice of lane position is associated with on-road crash involvement. A large cohort of bicycle riders from New South Wales Australia reported on their cycling patterns and crashes in 6 reporting weeks over a 1-year period using on-line surveys. During one reporting week 1525 participants identified their preferred choice of lane position in each of 6 visually-depicted scenarios that were designed to investigate the influence of number of lanes (in the cyclists’ direction of travel), parked cars, and bus lanes. A majority of respondents preferred the secondary position in scenarios with a clear kerbside lane. Respondents were significantly more likely to choose the primary position in multiple-lane situations compared to single-lane situations, if there were parked cars in the kerbside lane, and if they were female, younger, experienced riders, transport riders, or high intensity riders. Controlling for personal characteristics, choosing the primary position in a single clear traffic lane scenario was associated with a higher on-road crash rate, while choosing the primary position in a traffic lane with parked cars scenario was associated with a lower on-road crash rate. Results suggested that when riding on-road the bicycle riders in this Australian cohort prefer to keep their distance from motorised traffic, allowing traffic to pass safely when space allows. Nonetheless, results suggested that choice of lane position is highly dependent on the local road and traffic environment. Further research is needed to support advice to cyclists.     

Relationships between core ideological motives,social and economic conservatism,and religiosity: Evidence from a Turkish sample

The “conservatism as motivated social cognition” approach posits two core ideological motives underlying political conservatism across cultures. However, there is a scarcity of tests from non‐Western cultures, and much research has failed to distinguish between social and economic conservatism. Using a relatively large undergraduate sample from a non‐Western, predominantly Muslim country (Turkey), we tested the associations among resistance to change and opposition to equality motives, social and economic conservatism, right‐wing political orientation, and religiosity. In line with the “conservatism as motivated social cognition” account, we found that (a) social conservatism is more strongly related to resistance to change (rather than opposition to equality), (b) economic conservatism is more strongly related to opposition to equality (rather than resistance to change), (c) social conservatism is the strongest predictor of right‐wing political orientation among other conservatism measures, and (d) political orientation and religiosity had divergent effects: While right‐wing political orientation was related to economic conservatism, religiosity was inversely related to the latter, providing support for previous work indicating a resemblance between leftists and Islamists in Turkey. The results generally support the motivated social cognition approach to conservatism while also highlighting the importance of distinguishing between social and economic conservatism.     

Do Subtle Linguistic Interventions Priming a Social Identity as a Voter Have Outsized Effects on Voter Turnout? Evidence From a New Replication Experiment

An ongoing debate in political psychology is about whether small wording differences have outsized behavioral effects. A leading example is whether subtle linguistic cues embedded in voter mobilization messages dramatically increase turnout. An initial study analyzing two small‐scale field experiments argued that describing someone as a voter (noun) instead of one who votes (verb) increases turnout rates 11 to 14 points because the noun activates a person's social identity as a voter. A subsequent study analyzing a large‐scale field experiment challenged this claim and found no effect. But questions about the initial claim's domain of applicability persist. The subsequent study may not have reproduced the conditions necessary for the psychological phenomenon to occur, specifically the electoral contexts were not competitive or important enough for the social identity to matter. To address the first of these critiques, as well as other potential explanations for different results between the first two studies, we conduct a large‐scale replication field experiment. We find no evidence that this minor wording change increases turnout levels. This research provides new evidence that the strategy of invoking the self does not appear to consistently increase turnout and calls into question whether subtle linguistic cues have outsized behavioral effects.     

Do Disagreeable Political Discussion Networks Undermine Attitude Strength?

How attitudes change and affect behavior depends, in large part, on their strength. Strong attitudes are more resistant to persuasion and are more likely to produce attitude‐consistent behavior. But what influences attitude strength? In this article, we explore a widely discussed, but rarely investigated, factor: an individual's political discussion network. What prior work exists offers a somewhat mixed picture, finding sometimes that disagreeable networks weaken attitudes and other times that they strengthen attitudes. We use a novel national representative dataset to explore the relationship between disagreeable networks and attitude strength. We find, perhaps surprisingly, no evidence that disagreements in networks affect political attitude strength. We conclude by discussing likely reasons for our findings, which, in turn, provide a research agenda for the study of networks and attitude strength.     

编码方式与指拼特征在聋生手语词加工中的作用研究

本研究探讨了聋生在加工手语词过程中不同编码方式和指拼特征的影响。实验1采用指拼类手语词和手势类手语词考察了指拼有无对手语词编码方式的影响。实验2则采用不同特征的指拼类手语词,深入考察指拼位置、指拼形式对手语词编码方式的影响。结果表明,聋生较语音编码更擅长使用指拼编码加工手语词;指拼与手势的加工存在显著差异,指拼在聋生手语词加工中起到了促进作用;指拼位置与指拼形式共同作用于手语词的加工过程。     

Bringing the European Union closer to its young citizens: Youth active citizenship in Europe and trust in EU institutions

Abstract

European Union countries are participatory and representative democracies. Therefore, active citizenship in the EU and trust in EU institutions are paramount for the continuation and the strengthening of the EU project. Young Europeans who hold the future in their hands need to be actively engaged not only in the social and political life within their national communities, but also in the wider European community. The papers in this special issue examine whether and how European youth identify with the EU, trust EU institutions and engage in EU issues, and which societal and proximal-level contexts and/or individual-level attributes promote or hinder young people’s active citizenship in European context. They are based on results from the Horizon 2020 CATCH-EyoU project, standing for Constructing AcTive CitizensHip with European Youth: Policies, Practices, Challenges and Solutions. Scientists represent different disciplines (Psychology, Political Science, Sociology, Media and Communications, Education) and from eight European countries (Sweden, Estonia, U.K., Germany, Czech Republic, Greece, Portugal, Italy). Together, the papers contribute to the development of a new, cutting-edge conceptualization of youth active citizenship in the EU, and to a better understanding of the factors promoting or inhibiting young EU citizens’ engagement, participation and active citizenship at the European level.     

Protecting Women from the Negative Effects of Body Dissatisfaction: The Role of Differentiation of Self

ABSTRACT

Body dissatisfaction is a prevalent and concerning issue among college age women. Due to its strong association with eating pathology, identification of moderating variables is a crucial line of inquiry. The present study investigated the ability for an intrapersonal differentiation-of-self variable (“I” position) to attenuate the impact of body dissatisfaction on anorexia and bulimia symptoms among college women participants. Study findings indicated that an “I” position moderated the body dissatisfaction-bulimia relationship and the body dissatisfaction-anorexia relationship. These findings signified the protective influence of a high “I” position for women with high levels of body dissatisfaction. Research and therapeutic implications are discussed.     

Can spatialisation be extended to episodic memory and open sets?

The SPoARC effect (Spatial Positional Associated Response Codes) has only been observed in working memory (WM) using closed sets. It is interpreted as showing that individuals spatialise to-be-remembered items in a left-to-right fashion, using spatialisation as context. Given that context is crucial for episodic memory (EM), we tested if this effect could be observed in EM by using 15-word lists taken from an open set. After each list, 30 probes were sequentially displayed to test recognition. The left/right-hand key assignment for yes/no answers was varied. No SPoARC effect was observed. However, as all previous SPoARC experiments had used short lists and closed sets, it was not possible to know if this absence of SPoARC was due to the open set feature or the length of the lists. A second experiment was thus run using open sets and short 5-word lists, which do not necessitate EM to be remembered. A SPoARC effect was observed indicating that Experiment 1 result was due to the involvement of supra-span lists and that SPoARC effects do not extend to EM with open sets. Experiment 2 also enabled us to generalise the SPoARC effect to open sets in WM for the first time.     

Superheroes for change: Physical safety promotes socially (but not economically) progressive attitudes among conservatives

Across two studies, we find evidence for our prediction that experimentally increasing feelings of physical safety increases conservatives' socially progressive attitudes. Specifically, Republican and conservative participants who imagined being endowed with a superpower that made them invulnerable to physical harm (vs. the ability to fly) were more socially (but not economically) liberal (Study 1) and less resistant to social change (Study 2). Results suggest that socially (but not economically) conservative attitudes are driven, at least in part, by needs for safety and security.