全文获取类型
收费全文 | 830篇 |
免费 | 151篇 |
国内免费 | 35篇 |
专业分类
1016篇 |
出版年
2024年 | 4篇 |
2023年 | 56篇 |
2022年 | 12篇 |
2021年 | 43篇 |
2020年 | 52篇 |
2019年 | 85篇 |
2018年 | 55篇 |
2017年 | 52篇 |
2016年 | 44篇 |
2015年 | 43篇 |
2014年 | 44篇 |
2013年 | 86篇 |
2012年 | 43篇 |
2011年 | 25篇 |
2010年 | 23篇 |
2009年 | 15篇 |
2008年 | 32篇 |
2007年 | 36篇 |
2006年 | 37篇 |
2005年 | 25篇 |
2004年 | 24篇 |
2003年 | 25篇 |
2002年 | 28篇 |
2001年 | 25篇 |
2000年 | 24篇 |
1999年 | 19篇 |
1998年 | 19篇 |
1997年 | 13篇 |
1996年 | 8篇 |
1995年 | 4篇 |
1994年 | 3篇 |
1993年 | 3篇 |
1992年 | 2篇 |
1991年 | 1篇 |
1988年 | 1篇 |
1986年 | 1篇 |
1985年 | 2篇 |
1978年 | 1篇 |
1976年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有1016条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
141.
Accusations of hypocrisy have flown against both supporters and opponents of the Occupy Wall Street (OWS) and Tea Party movements. Integrating the ideologically objectionable premise model (IOPM), a newly devised model of political judgment, with political tolerance research, we find that how the political activities of OWS and Tea Party demonstrators are described determines whether or not biases against these groups emerge among people low and high in right‐wing authoritarianism (RWA). Specifically, people low in RWA were more biased against the Tea Party than OWS regardless of whether the groups engaged in normatively threatening or reassuring political behavior, whereas people high in RWA were more biased against OWS than the Tea Party when the groups engaged in normatively threatening (and therefore objectionable), but not normatively reassuring (and therefore acceptable) behavior. These findings further support the IOPM's contention that premise objectionableness, not right‐wing orientation, determines biases in political judgment. 相似文献
142.
The Wished‐For Always Wins Until the Winner Was Inevitable All Along: Motivated Reasoning and Belief Bias Regulate Emotion During Elections 下载免费PDF全文
Paul Thibodeau Matthew M. Peebles Daniel J. Grodner Frank H. Durgin 《Political psychology》2015,36(4):431-448
How do biases affect political information processing? A variant of the Wason selection task, which tests for confirmation bias, was used to characterize how the dynamics of the recent U.S. presidential election affected how people reasoned about political information. Participants were asked to evaluate pundit‐style conditional claims like “The incumbent always wins in a year when unemployment drops” either immediately before or immediately after the 2012 presidential election. A three‐way interaction between ideology, predicted winner (whether the proposition predicted that Obama or Romney would win), and the time of test indicated complex effects of bias on reasoning. Before the election, there was partial evidence of motivated reasoning—liberals performed especially well at looking for falsifying information when the pundit's claim predicted Romney would win. After the election, once the outcome was known, there was evidence of a belief bias—people sought to falsify claims that were inconsistent with the real‐world outcome rather than their ideology. These results suggest that people seek to implicitly regulate emotion when reasoning about political predictions. Before elections, people like to think their preferred candidate will win. After elections, people like to think the winner was inevitable all along. 相似文献
143.
144.
This study investigated whether the perception of intergroup threat, and intergroup emotion, are related to political intolerance. One hundred and twenty three South African undergraduate students (females?=?76%; males?=?24%; White?=?65%; Coloured?=?24%; Indian?=?8%; Chinese?=?2%; mean age =?19.8, SD?=?3.03 years) were randomly assigned to either a heightened (n?=?68) or low intergroup threat condition (n?=?55). Data on intergroup threat, intergroup emotion and political intolerance were collected utilising a questionnaire. T-test effect comparisons including multiple regression analyses were computed to determine effects of intergroup threat and negative intergroup emotion on political intolerance. Results revealed negative intergroup emotion and perceived intergroup threat to predict political intolerance. Negative intergroup emotion mediated the relationship between perceived threat and political intolerance. These findings suggest that intergroup threat may lead to the rise of negative intergroup emotion which in turn creates an environment conducive to the development of political intolerance. 相似文献
145.
How attitudes change and affect behavior depends, in large part, on their strength. Strong attitudes are more resistant to persuasion and are more likely to produce attitude‐consistent behavior. But what influences attitude strength? In this article, we explore a widely discussed, but rarely investigated, factor: an individual's political discussion network. What prior work exists offers a somewhat mixed picture, finding sometimes that disagreeable networks weaken attitudes and other times that they strengthen attitudes. We use a novel national representative dataset to explore the relationship between disagreeable networks and attitude strength. We find, perhaps surprisingly, no evidence that disagreements in networks affect political attitude strength. We conclude by discussing likely reasons for our findings, which, in turn, provide a research agenda for the study of networks and attitude strength. 相似文献
146.
Linet R. Durmuşoğlu Sarah L. de Lange Theresa Kuhn Wouter van der Brug 《Political psychology》2023,44(3):583-601
Research shows that parents have a strong influence on the party preferences of their children. Yet little is known about how such preferences are transmitted in multiparty systems with weak party identification and high electoral volatility. We propose a model of intergenerational transmission that includes both direct effects of parents' party preferences on those of their children, as well as indirect effects through left–right and issue positions. We test this model with original survey data of Dutch adolescents (14–20 years old) and their parents (N = 751 adolescent-parent pairs). We find two paths through which parents exert influence on the party preferences of their adolescent children. On the first path, parental party preferences function as a direct predictor of adolescent party preferences. On the second path, adolescent left–right and issue positions function as a mediator between parental left–right and issue positions and adolescent party preferences, with the effect of left–right positions being stronger than that of issue positions. The frequency with which adolescents discuss political topics with their parents moderates these effects. 相似文献
147.
Ivy Cheng Jennifer M. Taber Nicolle Simonovic Karin G. Coifman Pooja G. Sidney Christopher A. Was Clarissa A. Thompson 《Social and Personality Psychology Compass》2023,17(11):e12867
Given that risk beliefs predict engagement in behaviors to prevent disease, it is important to understand the factors associated with risk beliefs. In the present paper, we conducted path analyses to investigate the associations of belief systems (political orientation and cultural worldviews of individualism and hierarchy) with COVID-19 risk beliefs (i.e., perceived likelihood, perceived severity, and worry about disease; Studies 1 and 2), and the indirect effect through trust in information sources in these relationships (Study 1). Two online panels of U.S. adults were surveyed at three timepoints during the COVID-19 pandemic (Study 1: baseline n = 1,667, 1-year follow-up n = 551; Study 2: n = 404). Results of path analyses indicated that, across studies and timepoints, when controlling for political orientation, trust, and demographic factors, greater individualism had consistent significant direct effects on lower perceived severity and worry about COVID-19, whereas greater hierarchy had consistent significant direct effects on lower perceived severity. However, after accounting for cultural worldviews of individualism and hierarchy (and trust and demographic factors), none of the associations among political orientation and any of the three COVID-19 risk beliefs were significant. The test of indirect effects indicated that individualism and hierarchy were indirectly associated with lower perceived severity of and worry about COVID-19 through less trust. The findings suggest that cultural worldviews of individualism and hierarchy play a role in shaping people's risk beliefs. 相似文献
148.
本研究采用眼动技术,通过2×2混合实验设计,探讨字幕与产品卷入度对视频广告在线加工的影响。结果发现,有字幕广告比无字幕广告产生了更多的回视次数和总注视时间;在观看广告时,高卷入度产品比低卷入度产品产生更多的回视次数、总注视时间和注视次数。更为重要的是,字幕和产品卷入度的交互作用显著:当广告中的产品卷入度高时,有字幕的产品比无字幕的产品产生更多的回视次数和总注视时间;当广告中的产品卷入度低时,两者没有显著的差异。结果表明,字幕影响视频广告的加工,但是这种影响受到产品卷入度的调节,只有高卷入度产品广告的加工受到字幕的影响,结果支持了精细加工可能性模型。 相似文献
149.
Mark D. Jordan 《The Journal of religious ethics》2016,44(2):246-259
How far is Thomas Aquinas available for current discussions in political philosophy? While there are certainly things to be learned from him about our political preoccupations, the pedagogy of his moral teaching typically resists our familiar questions. This holds even when the question is put in terms that Thomas should recognize—say, as a question about the virtues appropriate for a democracy. Thomas not only gives different meanings to these terms, he moves political topics away from the center of theological attention and so organizes them very differently. A reader can notice these differences at many points but perhaps especially in the attention that Thomas gives in the Summa to the gifts of the Holy Spirit. His account of these gifts qualifies significantly what he says of virtue and suggests large limits on human agency, whether in ethics or in politics. 相似文献
150.
Danielle N. Lussier 《Journal for the scientific study of religion》2019,58(2):415-438
This article examines the role of houses of worship as institutions where individuals acquire civic skills that can be deployed for political participation in the world's largest Muslim‐majority democracy: Indonesia. Drawing on participant observation and interviews in Muslim, Protestant, and Catholic religious communities in Yogyakarta, Indonesia, this article investigates three questions: (1) What opportunities exist for individuals worshipping in Indonesian churches and mosques to develop and practice civic skills as part of their religious engagement? (2) Does civic skill opportunity vary across religious denominations? and (3) What factors might explain variation across different religious settings? The study shows that mosques offer fewer prospects for their worshippers to develop civic skills than do churches. These denominational differences can be explained by a house of worship's management practices, which are shaped by its degree of autonomy, style of worship, and the relative size of the religious denomination. 相似文献