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651.
明代初期道德生活的政治导向   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
明代道德生活的偏执性,在中国历史上极其特殊的。追根溯源,是明代初期政治生活的特殊性所引发的。分封、废相、厂卫、教化、粮长等制度的改革与创设,不同程度地将社会道德生活引入了无以复加的偏执境地。  相似文献   
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In this address from 1971, the second general secretary of the World Council of Churches (WCC), Eugene Carson Blake, sets out the challenges facing the WCC at the beginning of the 1970s, identifying three key changes within the ecumenical movement: a shift in power and decision making away from the Protestant churches of North America and Western Europe; an organization more representative of churches in Africa, Asia, and Latin America, and of Orthodox churches; and the ecumenical involvement of the Roman Catholic Church. It goes on to set out how the WCC, particularly since its conference on Church and Society held in Geneva in 1966, has been attempting to make Christian faith and morals relevant to a world experiencing rapid social, economic, and political change.  相似文献   
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腐败作为全世界普遍关注的焦点问题,不同领域学者针对腐败行为产生原因与对策进行探讨。普遍认为制度、权力、文化等因素是腐败行为产生的重要原因,个别研究涉及到腐败主体的内在心理。进化心理学从进化和适应的视角对人类行为发生及心理内在特征具有终极解释度。因此,本文在前人研究的基础上,基于进化心理学的独特视角,从个体生命史历程(如童年创伤、贫穷经历等)去揭示腐败行为产生的心理机制。  相似文献   
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验证组织政治氛围对员工疏离感的作用,探讨自我决定动机在二者间的中介作用。研究采用一般政治行为知觉量表、工作内外动机量表和工作疏离感量表对226名企事业单位的员工进行问卷调查。研究表明,组织政治氛围对员工疏离感的个人疏离和社会疏离均具有显著的预测作用;自我决定动机在组织政治氛围与员工的个人疏离感之间起部分中介的作用,但在组织政治氛围与员工的社会疏离感之间的中介作用不显著。这说明我国员工的个人疏离感一部分来自于组织政治氛围对员自我决定动机的削弱,而社会疏离感主要来自于组织政治氛围的直接影响。  相似文献   
658.
Abstract

It is a well-established fact that forming a mature and coherent political identity is one developmental task in adolescence and young adulthood. However, given different degrees of commitment on the regional, national, and European level, the question remains whether young people’s identification varies among those spheres? Drawing on data from the European Catch-EyoU-project, it was the goal of this study to examine whether young people can be classified according to their identification toward their home country and Europe and how these types are associated with age, gender, country as well as political interest, tolerance, and political participation. The study is based on adolescents and young adults from the Czech Republic, Germany, Great Britain, Greece, Estonia, Italy, Portugal, and Sweden (N = 9339; Mage = 19.62; 59.1% female). Cluster analysis revealed five types of young people’s identification with country and Europe which showed significant associations between group membership and tolerance, political interest, and participation. The implications of distinguishing types of identification and their associations with political outcomes are discussed.  相似文献   
659.
Abstract

Political participation is one of the most studied aspects of the contemporary development of western democracies. A recent trend focuses the lack of political participation among younger generations. At the same time, the last decades have also witnessed a growth in the share of young European Union (EU) citizens who express alienation, and distrust toward social and political institutions at the national as well as the European level. By studying young people across different countries of the EU, the current study aims to examine if youths’ political passivity is better explained by political apathy or alienation. Our analyses are based on a comparative survey data collected by the Catch-EyoU project comprising approximately 4 454 late adolescents assembled from eight member countries of the EU. Results from logistic regressions predicting non-voting from apathy and alienation support the idea that political passivity is best understood as the result of political apathy. Moreover, it seems that the underlying separator of apathetic and alienated youths is cognitive awareness of political life. These results are discussed in relation to potentially built-in paradoxes of apathy present in efficient and well-functional welfare-state democracies.  相似文献   
660.
Vecchione et al. (Br J Psychol, 106 , 2015, 84) demonstrated the effects of four higher-order values on political participation across 20 European countries. In their Study 1, they found that political participation was related to three higher-order basic values and that these associations were stronger in more democratic countries. The present study attempted a replication using a more rigorous modelling approach. Multilevel structural equation models with latent variables for both participation and basic values replicated the main effects of Self-Transcendence and Conservation values but demonstrated negative effects of Openness values (vs. positive in the original study) and positive effects of Self-Enhancement values (vs. ambiguous or insignificant in the original study), while cross-level interactions indicated weaker effects of values in more democratic countries (vs. the opposite in the original study). These discrepancies appeared mostly due to the original study’s implicit assumption that basic values’ measurement errors were zero. The new results indicated a counter-intuitive similarity of effects of supposedly opposite values. Self-Transcendence–Self-Enhancement is suggested to be a politically motivating value dimension, whereas Openness to Change–Conservation is a dimension that discourages political participation regardless of the preferred extreme.  相似文献   
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