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41.
Nicola Morant Elizabeth Edwards 《Journal of community & applied social psychology》2011,21(4):281-296
In the first decade of the 21st century, British policing faced two new challenges in how it responded to social diversity: As well as instituting reforms in response to a highly publicized report describing the British police as ‘institutionally racist’ (Macpherson, 1999 ), they faced challenges associated with rapid increases in numbers of immigrants into the UK. Studying social representations at such times of change allows access into processes, themes and value systems that may otherwise remain hidden. This paper uses social representations theory to explore interview accounts provided by regular police officers of interactions with members of minority groups. Empirically, we focus on an area of diversity policing that has received relatively little previous attention: Police work in a rural context that has recently played host to large numbers of migrant workers. Our analysis shows that interviews operate as a site of resistance in which respondents attempt to rework hegemonic representations of the police as prejudiced and to re‐present themselves and their work as able to respond appropriately to diversity. Fairness as a defining characteristic of good police practice is a central representational theme that links identity construction processes to police work with minority groups. Recent immigrant groups are represented as both needing and deserving help to assimilate into British culture: Their lack of acculturation and language difficulties provide additional challenges to police work and to how this is judged as ‘fair’. We discuss the broader origins and implications of police officers' understandings of fairness and the use of social representations theory to study representational fields within organizational settings. Copyright © 2010 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
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43.
Frans Willem Winkel 《Journal of community & applied social psychology》1991,1(4):275-289
The effects and side-effects of a victim assistance project aimed at victims of burglary are experimentally evaluated. Key features of the programme included the provision of burglary prevention information by police officers during a personal interaction with the victim through a positive and limitative communication strategy. Results suggest that important programme goals (for example, stronger satisfaction with police performance, a more internal risk orientation concerning victimization, stronger preventive intentions) were met. One of the positive effects for which experimental support was found was an improvement in police-victim relations. As regards side-effects the programme led neither to response generalization, nor to increased fear of crime outside the home. However, the side-effects of increased fear in the home did occur in female victims and victims with an external risk-orientation. The implications for future victim assistance projects in this domain are finally discussed. 相似文献
44.
Fabienne Peter 《Ethical Theory and Moral Practice》2007,10(4):373-387
Political egalitarianism is at the core of most normative conceptions of democratic legitimacy. It finds its minimal expression
in the “one person one vote” formula. In the literature on deliberative democracy, political equality is typically interpreted
in a more demanding sense, but different interpretations of what political equality requires can be identified. In this paper
I shall argue that the attempt to specify political equality in deliberative democracy is affected by a dilemma. I shall illustrate
the political egalitarian’s dilemma by a hypothetical choice between two informational bases for political equality: Rawlsian
primary goods and Amartya Sen’s capability approach. The political egalitarian’s dilemma reveals a clash between the requirement
of ensuring equal possibilities to participate in the democratic process and the requirement of subjecting substantive judgments
to deliberative evaluation. As such, the dilemma is a variant of the procedure vs. substance dilemma that is well-known in
democratic theory. While it has sometimes been argued that deliberative democracy solves the tension between procedure and
substance, the political egalitarian’s dilemma shows that this tension continues within deliberative democracy.
相似文献
Fabienne PeterEmail: |
45.
Schnelle JF Kirchner RE Casey JD Uselton PH McNees MP 《Journal of applied behavior analysis》1977,10(1):33-40
The effects of a carefully monitored and increased police patrol on the report of crime were examined in four patrol zones. Overall patrol movement was increased to four times normal levels and slow patrol movement (under 20 mph) to around 30 times normal levels for 10 days. The patrol was active in two zones between 9:00 a.m. and 5:00 p.m. and in the other two zones between 7:00 p.m. and 3:00 a.m. A multiple-baseline design and time-series statistical analyses showed statistically reliable changes in reported levels of Part I crime (such as robbery, burglary, and aggravated assault) during both night patrols, but not in the day patrols. In both night-patrol zones, there were also reliable increases from saturation patrol to postsaturation patrol in report of Part I crime after the night patrol was terminated. Neither of the day patrols showed significant crime report changes on termination. Despite statistically reliable decreases in report of crime during nighttime hours, the value of saturation patrolling as a crime-prevention technique was questioned on cost/benefit grounds. 相似文献
46.
Guofang Wang Jack Mearns Xiaohui Yang Peng Han Salvatore J. Catanzaro 《International journal of psychology》2019,54(2):223-231
Negative mood regulation expectancies (NMRE) represent people's confidence that they can alleviate their negative affect or induce a positive emotional state through thought or action. NMRE predict coping behaviour and mood outcomes for individuals under stress. Since 1990, much research documents the reliability and validity of the English language Negative Mood Regulation (NMR) scale as a measure of NMRE. The current research reports two studies developing a Chinese language translation of the NMR (NMR‐C) scale that goes beyond literal translation to be a culturally sensitive measure of NMRE in China. In Study 1, 713 college students from both a major city and a rural setting in China were surveyed. Data support the resulting 32‐item NMR‐C's reliability (alpha = .88) and validity. The NMR‐C showed both direct and indirect links to depression and anxiety; coping mediated the indirect effect. In Study 2, 331 prison police officers in three Chinese provinces participated. NMRE buffered the effect of high role pressure, moderating the relationship between prison police role stress and job engagement. Results of the two studies support the reliability and validity of the Chinese language NMR scale and parallel results found with measures of NMRE in the West and in other Asian countries. 相似文献
47.
This article reflects upon the state of the philosophical profession vis‐à‐vis a close reading of the hoax perpetrated against the International Journal of Badiou Studies in 2016. This hoax is not a subversive act of disciplinary criticism (as the hoaxers contend). Rather, it is a poorly disguised attempt to enforce a partisan and myopic conception of philosophy and to delegitimize an entire subfield of philosophical production—namely, continental philosophy. The hoax is symptomatic of a deeper problem that plagues the profession today: the willingness exhibited by many philosophers to police the boundaries of the discipline by engaging in what we call “acts of force.” The prevalence of acts of force demonstrates that professional philosophy is shaped not only by the giving and taking of reasons but also by shopworn disciplinary tribalisms (for example, continental versus analytic) and asymmetrical power relations involving agents with unequal amounts of social, professional, and philosophical capital. 相似文献
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System justification theory posits that people sometimes legitimize current social arrangements at their own cost. Indeed, research showed that lower socioeconomic status (SES) correlates with stronger progovernment attitudes, but this correlation does not appear reliable. This research proposes a different class of correlates of progovernment attitudes drawing on life history (LH) theory. People who pursue a faster LH strategy (e.g., reproducing earlier and in larger quantities) should be more progovernment because their lower resource‐accruing potential makes them more dependent on government support (e.g., public services and social welfare) to raise a large family. Supporting this hypothesis, Chinese respondents’ individual fertility positively correlated with confidence in government (Study 1) and partially mediated the negative correlation between provincial life expectancy and support of censoring government criticisms (Study 2). These findings suggest an alternative explanation to some of the correlations between SES and progovernment attitudes, provide a new mechanism of system justification, and add to the growing body of work on LH strategy and political psychology. 相似文献
50.
Karen Rich 《Journal of aggression, maltreatment & trauma》2019,28(4):463-480
ABSTRACTRape victims can benefit from trauma-informed approaches when reporting rape to police. Police interviewing skill can prevent survivor re-victimization while eliciting useful crime statements. However, rape myth acceptance and police culture may pose obstacles to a trauma-informed approach. Client empowerment, demystification, trigger reduction, and expressed concern for victim safety can be implemented by police agencies. Interdisciplinary collaboration, combating sexual harassment, gender balancing, emotional debriefing of officers, accountability to victims, new reporting methods, and advanced training protocols are elements of a trauma-informed approach. 相似文献