Decision-makers use social information to update their preferences but choose for others as they do for themselves

People's risky decisions are susceptible to the social context in which they take place. Across three experiments using different paradigms, we investigated the influence of three social factors upon participants' decisions: the recipient of the decision-making outcome (self, other, or joint), the nature of the relationship with the other agent (friend, stranger, or teammate), and the type of information that participants received about others' preferences: none at all, general information about how previous participants had decided, or information about a specific partner's preference. We found that participants' decisions about risk did not differ according to whether the outcome at stake was their own, another agent's, or a joint outcome, nor according to the type of information available. Participants did, however, adjust their preferences for risky options in light of social information.     

The influence of biased exposure to forgone outcomes

After making decisions, we often get feedback concerning forgone outcomes (what would have happened had we chosen differently). Yet, many times, our exposure to such feedback is systematically biased. For example, your friends are more likely to tell you about a party you missed if it was fun than if it was boring. Despite its prevalence, the effects of biased exposure to forgone outcomes on future choice have not been directly studied. In three studies (five experiments) using a simplified learning task, we study the basic influence of biased exposure to forgone outcomes in the extreme case in which decision makers can easily infer the missing information such that the biased exposure carries almost no informational value. The results in all studies suggest that nevertheless, the biased exposure to forgone outcomes affected choice. Exposure to forgone outcomes only when they were better than the obtained outcomes (Only-Better-Forgone) increased selections of the forgone option compared with exposure to forgone outcomes only when they were worse than the obtained outcome (Only-Worse-Forgone). Moreover, relative to an unbiased exposure to all forgone outcomes, the effect of exposure to Only-Worse-Forgone was larger than the effect of exposure to Only-Better-Forgone feedback. However, these effects were not universal: In environments that include rare negative events (“disasters”), biased exposure to forgone outcomes had very little effect. We raise potential explanations and further discuss implications for marketing and risk awareness.     

儿童青少年时期加工速度和执行功能在流体智力发展中的作用

以7~15岁儿童青少年为研究对象,考察加工速度和执行功能对流体智力的影响。研究结果表明,随着年龄的增长,感觉运动加工速度、知觉加工速度对流体智力从具有直接影响到只通过执行功能中的记忆更新成分产生间接影响,但这种影响存在年龄间的差异。在童年中期（7~9岁）,知觉加工速度对流体智力不仅具有直接的预测作用,还通过记忆更新对其产生间接的影响。童年晚期（10~12岁）,感觉运动加工速度和知觉加工速度不再对流体智力具有直接预测作用,都是通过记忆更新和抑制/转换合成成分间接对流体智力起作用。青春期（13~15岁）,知觉加工速度对流体智力只通过记忆更新产生间接影响。     

L’annonce d’un décès en milieu hospitalier

Announcing a death is always a delicate moment for close familial members but also for caregivers. Law gives some precisions about how this information must be delivered. Recently the state council judged that the lack of empathy from caregivers and the late of the death announcement can create a damage. This judgement gives more precisions about how a death announcement must be in a hospital. This topic is pretty similar with the information which must be given to close familial members about organ donation. This latter is definitely more exceptional and the procedure is a way more regulated. There are much rules which explain how this information must be delivered.     

Consciousness as a logically consistent and prognostic model of reality

The work demonstrates that brain might reflect the external world causal relationships in the form of a logically consistent and prognostic model of reality, which shows up as consciousness. The paper analyses and solves the problem of statistical ambiguity and provides a formal model of causal relationships as probabilistic maximally specific rules. We suppose that brain makes all possible inferences from causal relationships. We prove that the suggested formal model has a property of an unambiguous inference: from consistent premises we infer a consistent conclusion. It enables a set of all inferences to form a consistent model of the perceived world. Causal relationships may create fixed points of cyclic inter-predictable properties. We consider the “natural” classification introduced by John St. Mill and demonstrate that a variety of fixed points of the objects’ attributes forms a “natural” classification of the external world. Then we consider notions of “natural” categories and causal models of categories, introduced by Eleanor Rosch and Bob Rehder and demonstrate that fixed points of causal relationships between objects attributes, which we perceive, formalize these notions. If the “natural” classification describes the objects of the external world, and “natural” concepts the perception of these objects, then the theory of integrated information, introduced by G. Tononi, describes the information processes of the brain for “natural” concepts formation that reflects the “natural” classification. We argue that integrated information provides high accuracy of the objects identification. A computer-based experiment is provided that illustrates fixed points formation for coded digits.     

反馈间隔影响反馈加工：整合行为和电生理研究的视角

反馈在现实生活中扮演着重要角色, 通过反馈信息进行学习是人类获取知识和技能的有效手段。反馈间隔是指个体行为发生到反馈刺激呈现之间的时间间隔。在反馈加工过程中, 反馈间隔是一个重要影响因素, 但反馈间隔影响反馈加工的研究结果不一。对反馈间隔影响反馈加工的行为和电生理研究分别做了介绍, 对结果出现差异的原因进行了分析。未来的研究应考虑结合行为研究与电生理研究, 并统一反馈间隔的操作定义。     

孤独症谱系障碍者视觉定向与视觉搜索的特点及神经机制

定向网络是注意网络的重要组成部分, 主要包括视觉定向与视觉搜索两大任务。对于这两大注意任务, 正常个体在神经机制上存在较大的重叠, 然而, 孤独症个体却表现出截然相反的行为证据。研究者从非社会信息的注意视角发现, 一般而言, 在视觉定向上, 孤独症个体注意转移不存在缺陷, 而注意脱离存在困难, 但该结论仍有争议; 在视觉搜索上, 孤独症个体存在视觉搜索优势, 但该优势发生的阶段及原因仍需进一步探究。未来研究应进一步考察孤独症个体在视觉定向任务中左右视野的不对称性、视觉搜索优势的内在机制及两大注意任务之间的相互关系。     

时间信息加工与信息加工时间特性双视角下的重要时间参数及其证据

时间既是人类信息加工的对象, 也是(非时间)信息加工的制约因素。数十毫秒至数秒之间的时间加工与人类日常生活关联紧密, 譬如主观计时、演奏及言语等活动。根据以往文献分析可知, 在该时间区域内, 20~ 60 ms、1/3~1 s、2~3 s是研究者关注的重要时间参数, 但是支持这些参数的证据尚存分歧。首先从“时间信息加工”和“信息加工的时间特性”的视角介绍时间参数的基本观点及其提出背景, 然后基于“时间信息加工”视角从行为学研究、脑损伤研究、神经药理学研究, 脑电研究、脑成像研究、经颅磁刺激研究、经颅直流电刺激研究等领域介评了1/3~1 s和2~3 s分界区域的证据, 接着基于“信息加工的时间特性”视角从时序知觉阈限研究、感觉运动同步研究、主观节奏研究、言语行为研究、知觉逆转研究、返回抑制研究及失匹配负波研究等领域介评了20~60 ms和2~3 s时间窗口的证据。未来研究既要注意构建基于分界区域与时间窗口的更强解释力的理论假说, 也要厘清分界区域与时间窗口的联系与区别。     

瞳孔是心灵的窗口吗?——瞳孔在心理学研究中的应用及测量

瞳孔大小是眼动研究中一个重要的参数指标, 在一定程度上能够反映人的心理活动并影响他人的心理与行为。一方面, 瞳孔变化受到自上而下的知觉与注意、情绪与动机、心理努力、社会认知与发展等因素的影响, 另一方面, 大瞳孔能引起他人更多的积极评价和积极行为。瞳孔的神经机制(蓝斑-去甲肾上腺素系统)和自适应增益理论解释了瞳孔与心理之间存在紧密联系的原因。瞳孔测量(pupillometry)作为一种有效的眼动追踪方法有助于理解瞳孔与心理的关系, 研究者在测量瞳孔时需要关注无关变量(如亮度、注视位置), 原始数据处理(如基线校正、眨眼处理)及瞳孔指标选取(如瞳孔直径、震颤频率)等问题, 未来研究应继续探讨瞳孔与其他心理之间的关系, 并探索更有效地处理和使用瞳孔指标的方法。