全文获取类型
收费全文 | 830篇 |
免费 | 121篇 |
国内免费 | 50篇 |
专业分类
1001篇 |
出版年
2025年 | 2篇 |
2024年 | 15篇 |
2023年 | 31篇 |
2022年 | 18篇 |
2021年 | 20篇 |
2020年 | 40篇 |
2019年 | 60篇 |
2018年 | 51篇 |
2017年 | 38篇 |
2016年 | 59篇 |
2015年 | 34篇 |
2014年 | 42篇 |
2013年 | 123篇 |
2012年 | 38篇 |
2011年 | 34篇 |
2010年 | 24篇 |
2009年 | 31篇 |
2008年 | 30篇 |
2007年 | 40篇 |
2006年 | 53篇 |
2005年 | 31篇 |
2004年 | 25篇 |
2003年 | 24篇 |
2002年 | 38篇 |
2001年 | 28篇 |
2000年 | 7篇 |
1999年 | 8篇 |
1998年 | 16篇 |
1997年 | 10篇 |
1996年 | 4篇 |
1995年 | 6篇 |
1994年 | 6篇 |
1993年 | 3篇 |
1992年 | 2篇 |
1991年 | 4篇 |
1989年 | 2篇 |
1988年 | 1篇 |
1987年 | 1篇 |
1983年 | 1篇 |
1976年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有1001条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
61.
Jennifer DeNicolis Bragger Ofelia Rodriguez-Srednicki Eugene J. Kutcher Lisa Indovino Erin Rosner 《Journal of business and psychology》2005,20(2):303-324
Two hundred three teachers completed measures of work-family culture, work-family conflict, organizational commitment, job
satisfaction, and organizational citizenship behavior (OCB). Pearson correlations indicated that OCB was related negatively
to work-family conflict, and positively to work-family culture, job satisfaction, and organizational commitment. Hierarchical
regression analyses indicated that work-family culture predicts work-family conflict, and that various forms of work-family
conflict predict OCB. Analyses also showed that work-family culture predicts both organizational commitment and OCB, and that
organizational commitment does not mediate the relationship between work-family culture and OCB. The findings support the
importance for schools to foster a positive work-family culture. 相似文献
62.
进谏行为与组织公民行为的关系研究:诺莫网络视角 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
进谏行为和组织公民行为等角色外行为研究近年来备受关注。与组织公民行为相比,进谏行为是一个新的构念。本研究探索了进谏行为的构念内涵,并借鉴诺莫网络思路考察了进谏行为与组织公民行为的关系。问卷研究的结果表明:进谏行为能融入组织公民行为构念,领导公平和情感承诺对两者都具有正面影响,而大五中的宜人性维度对两者的影响表现出差异性;从事角色外行为会导致更高的工作满意感。研究证实了进谏行为与组织公民行为构念内涵的相似性及存在的细微差异。 相似文献
63.
64.
本论文以国家公务员为对象,从背景、核心自我评价和组织文化的层面来探讨公务员绩效评估公平性的影响因素。结果表明,在公务员个人属性变量上,性别、职级、收入、工龄和年终绩效等级对绩效评估公平性上存在显著影响;单位组织文化各因子特别是诚信公正因子对公务员绩效评估公平性的影响最大,核心自我评价各因子对公平性的影响不大。 相似文献
65.
66.
《The Journal of social psychology》2012,152(6):582-607
ABSTRACT Past empirical evidence has suggested that a positive supervisor feedback environment may enhance employees' organizational citizenship behavior (OCB). In this study, we aim to extend previous research by proposing and testing an integrative model that examines the mediating processes underlying the relationship between supervisor feedback environment and employee OCB. Data were collected from 259 subordinate-supervisor dyads across a variety of organizations in Taiwan. We used structural equation modeling to test our hypotheses. The results demonstrated that supervisor feedback environment influenced employees' OCB indirectly through (1) both positive affective-cognition and positive attitude (i.e., person-organization fit and organizational commitment), and (2) both negative affective-cognition and negative attitude (i.e., role stressors and job burnout). Theoretical and practical implications are discussed. 相似文献
67.
Bryce J. Dietrich Scott Lasley Jeffery J. Mondak Megan L. Remmel Joel Turner 《Political psychology》2012,33(2):195-210
The impact of personality traits on people's attitudes and behaviors is widely recognized, yet systematic attention to personality in large‐N research on elected officials has been rare. Among psychologists, five‐factor frameworks that focus on openness to experience, conscientiousness, extraversion, agreeableness, and emotional stability have gained tremendous prominence in the past two decades. Applications of these frameworks to the study of mass political behavior have been highly fruitful, but corresponding applications in the study of legislators have been rare. In an effort to assess the utility of a Big Five approach in the study of legislative politics, this article addresses three questions: whether elected officials will be willing to provide personality self‐assessments, whether any data they do provide will exhibit meaningful variance, and whether the Big Five trait dimensions will correspond with patterns in respondents' attitudes and behaviors. These questions are addressed using data from members of the state legislatures in Arizona, Connecticut, and Maine. Results provide considerable grounds for optimism regarding the likely utility of more extensive applications of the Big Five in research on elected officials. 相似文献
68.
Affect is explored in relation to the governance of irregular migrants and asylum seekers that turn such vulnerable individuals into a feared category. How are emotions as practices developed, fostered and enacted? The examples developed in the article focus on ‘illegal maritime arrivals’ (asylum seekers arriving by boat) and the emotionally charged response to them in Australia. The article argues that the state, far from embodying a detached and neutral arbiter utilising various steering mechanisms of care and due process, instead governs through fear and anxiety generated in relation to outsiders. The state draws on, and indeed creates, dispositions and feelings, generating a distinct politics of affect. The motif of the lifeboat is an example of a diversion from the anxieties and fears in everyday life; a metaphor for scarcity and a battle for survival. The asylum seeker as ‘illegal maritime arrival’ (boat person) is the exemplar of such a lifeboat politics in the Australian case. 相似文献
69.
Mélanie Henry 《Journal of the history of the behavioral sciences》2023,59(3):322-340
This article focuses on the shift in sensitivities that took place between the 1980s and 2019 toward psychological suffering in Algeria. Promoters of psychotherapy showed an increase in receptivity—via the media, public authorities, and the general population—to their practices and discourses during this period. Based on professional literature, interviews with psychologists, psychiatrists, and psychoanalysts, and newspaper articles and essays, this article considers the following aspects: the use of psychotherapy, the authority of psychoanalytic/psychopathological analyses, and the ethics of relation in politics. Taking a social and cultural history of politics approach, it traces the discontinuous politicization of psychotherapy over the course of events (namely the uprising of 1988, the civil war of the 1990s, and the 2019 popular movement) and examines the interactions between the state, popular mobilizations, and the psychotherapists. The civil war of the 1990s coincided with the normalization of “trauma” on a global scale, and procedures for the prevention of posttraumatic stress disorder were put in place in Algeria from 1997 onwards. In this process of legitimizing psychological suffering and its treatment, the promoters of psychotherapy who belonged to the less visible margins gained authority. The year-long protest movement (2019) against the regime performed the ethics of relation, focusing on human relations, reflexivity, and living together. Promoters of psychotherapy identified consistently with the political subjectivities produced within the 2019 popular movement characterized by massive pacifist marches against the regime. 相似文献
70.
Linet R. Durmuşoğlu Sarah L. de Lange Theresa Kuhn Wouter van der Brug 《Political psychology》2023,44(3):583-601
Research shows that parents have a strong influence on the party preferences of their children. Yet little is known about how such preferences are transmitted in multiparty systems with weak party identification and high electoral volatility. We propose a model of intergenerational transmission that includes both direct effects of parents' party preferences on those of their children, as well as indirect effects through left–right and issue positions. We test this model with original survey data of Dutch adolescents (14–20 years old) and their parents (N = 751 adolescent-parent pairs). We find two paths through which parents exert influence on the party preferences of their adolescent children. On the first path, parental party preferences function as a direct predictor of adolescent party preferences. On the second path, adolescent left–right and issue positions function as a mediator between parental left–right and issue positions and adolescent party preferences, with the effect of left–right positions being stronger than that of issue positions. The frequency with which adolescents discuss political topics with their parents moderates these effects. 相似文献