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181.
Reza Fallahchai Maryam Fallahi Lane L. Ritchie 《Journal of couple & relationship therapy》2017,16(1):61-76
The purpose of this study was to examine the efficacy of the Prevention and Relationship Education Program (PREP) training on marital conflict and marital satisfaction among a sample of distressed couples in Iran. The research procedure was experimental with a pretest, posttest, and follow-up design, including a control group. The sample included 76 volunteer couples among a sample of distressed couples who were randomly selected and assigned to the experimental or control group. They completed demographic questions, the Marital Conflicts questionnaire, and a revised Marital Satisfaction Inventory in pretest, posttest and at the 1-year follow-up. Results showed that PREP training effectively led to decreased marital conflict and improvement of marital satisfaction of couples at posttest and at the 1-year follow-up. The result of covariance analysis showed significant differences between the experimental and the control groups' marital conflict and marital satisfaction at posttest and at the 1-year follow-up. 相似文献
182.
Gilad Hirschberger Uri Lifshin Stephanie Seeman Tsachi Ein‐Dor Tom Pyszczynski 《European journal of social psychology》2017,47(3):304-319
Three studies examined the effect of historical trauma reminders and criticism from international allies on attitudes toward current conflicts. In Study 1, Israeli participants (N = 116) were primed with the Holocaust, and read either that the U.S. President Obama supports Israel's right to defend itself and attack Iran, or that he opposes such action. Then, support for preemptive violence was assessed. Study 2 (N = 133) replicated this design, comparing inclusive and exclusive framings of the Holocaust. Study 3 (N = 478), examined the effect of Holocaust reminders and criticism from the European Union on attitudes toward militant policies against Palestinians. All three studies found that Holocaust primes juxtaposed with international criticism increased support for aggression, especially under exclusive framings of the Holocaust. Study 3, however, found this effect only among left‐wing participants. These findings indicate that when historical trauma is salient, international criticism may be ineffective and may even backfire. 相似文献
183.
Discussion groups are a promising tool for bridging the divide between former conflict antagonists. However, such groups do not always produce the desired outcome of improved attitudes, even when they meet the conditions generally seen as favoring positive interaction. In this article, we examine specific discussion protocols that mitigate polarization risks while fostering reconciliation. Using a randomized, controlled design, we formed a pool of 429 ex‐combatants and members of conflict‐affected communities in Colombia. Participants were asked to join heterogeneous groups and discuss their proposals for the future of Colombia. Overall, community members improved their attitudes towards ex‐combatants significantly, while ex‐combatants’ attitudes toward community members do not tend to polarize. Those participants who were randomly assigned to a perspective‐giving treatment protocol (where they were asked to refer to their personal experience and perspective) consistently improved their intergroup attitudes towards ex‐combatants, and by a proportionally higher percentage than those taking part under argumentation and no‐treatment control conditions. 相似文献
184.
Explaining White Opposition to Black Political Leadership: The Role of Fear of Racial Favoritism 下载免费PDF全文
Seth K. Goldman 《Political psychology》2017,38(5):721-739
Despite the election of America's first Black president, most non‐Hispanic Whites continue to oppose Black political leadership. The conventional explanation for White opposition is sheer racial prejudice, yet the available empirical evidence for this theory is inconsistent. I test an alternative theory that Whites perceive Black political leaders as a threat to their group's interests. Using a new survey measure and nationally representative panel data covering the 2008, 2010, and 2012 U.S. elections, I find that a majority of Whites perceive Black elected officials as likely to favor Blacks over Whites. Moreover, fear of racial favoritism predicts support for Barack Obama in both cross‐sectional models and fixed‐effects models of within‐person change, controlling for negative racial stereotypes. I replicate these findings using a separate cross‐sectional survey fielded after the 2014 election that controls for racial resentment. Collectively, these results suggest that perceptions of conflicting group interests—and not just prejudice—drive White opposition to Black political leadership. 相似文献
185.
Ewelina Smoktunowicz Roman Cieslak Evangelia Demerouti 《Anxiety, stress, and coping》2017,30(5):485-497
Background and objectives: This study derives from Work–Home Resources model (ten Brummelhuis, L. L., & Bakker, A. B. (2012). A resource perspective on the work–home interface: The work–home resources model. American Psychologist, 67(7), 545–556. doi:10.1037/a0027974) and Social Cognitive Theory (Bandura, A. (1986). Social foundations of thought and action: A social cognitive theory. Englewood Cliffs, NJ, US: Prentice-Hall, Inc.) to investigate mechanisms responsible for the effect of job and family demands on work- and family-related perceived stress. We hypothesized that interrole conflict and self-efficacy to manage work and family demands operate either independently or sequentially transmitting the effects of demands on perceived stress. Design: A sample of 100 employees of various occupations participated in the study conducted online in two waves: Time 1 (T1) and Time 2 (T2) with a three-month interval. Method: Regression analysis with bootstrapping was applied. Results: Interrole conflict (T1) did not mediate the relationships between demands (T1) and perceived stress (T2), whereas self-efficacy (T1) mediated only those between family demands (T1) and stress (T2). However, data supported the sequential mediation hypotheses: Demands (T1) were associated with increased interrole conflict (T1) which in turn decreased self-efficacy (T1) and ultimately resulted in the elevated perceived stress at work and in the family (T2). Conclusions: Demands originating in one domain can impact stress both in the same and other life areas through the sequence of interrole conflict and context-specific self-efficacy. 相似文献
186.
离婚对儿童青少年心理发展的影响从20世纪70年代末开始引起国内外研究者的极大关注。本文从以下三个方面对离婚如何影响儿童青少年心理发展的研究进行综述:(1)离婚与儿童青少年心理发展关系的研究在不同历史阶段的理论变迁——从"严重影响说"到"有限影响说";(2)离婚影响儿童青少年心理发展的机制探讨:大量研究都证实父母冲突是比离婚本身对儿童青少年影响更大的一个因素,离婚前父母冲突会调节离婚对儿童青少年的影响方向和大小,离婚后的父母冲突与父母共同养育会通过影响亲子关系和父母的教养行为进而对儿童青少年的心理发展造成影响;(3)现有研究对实践工作以及未来研究方向的启示。 相似文献
187.
医学研究者的经济利益冲突对临床试验的影响——美国的经验与启示 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
谢广宽 《医学与哲学(人文社会医学版)》2005,(11)
研究者的经济利益冲突对医学临床试验可能会产生消极影响。本文依据美国的研究成果,利用大量的统计数据和真实的案例,分析了研究者在临床试验中的主要经济利益,揭示了这些经济利益如何对研究的设计、执行和报告产生影响,以及可能造成的危害。 相似文献
188.
189.
Jennifer DeNicolis Bragger Ofelia Rodriguez-Srednicki Eugene J. Kutcher Lisa Indovino Erin Rosner 《Journal of business and psychology》2005,20(2):303-324
Two hundred three teachers completed measures of work-family culture, work-family conflict, organizational commitment, job
satisfaction, and organizational citizenship behavior (OCB). Pearson correlations indicated that OCB was related negatively
to work-family conflict, and positively to work-family culture, job satisfaction, and organizational commitment. Hierarchical
regression analyses indicated that work-family culture predicts work-family conflict, and that various forms of work-family
conflict predict OCB. Analyses also showed that work-family culture predicts both organizational commitment and OCB, and that
organizational commitment does not mediate the relationship between work-family culture and OCB. The findings support the
importance for schools to foster a positive work-family culture. 相似文献
190.