Extending the Three- and Four-Headed Eagles: The Foreign Policy Orientations of American Elites During the 80s and 90s

With the breakdown of the foreign policy consensus of the Cold War years, there has been a resurgence in examining the beliefs of the public and their role in U.S. foreign policy. The most extensive of these studies has been conducted by Holsti and Rosenau who have found first three and then four competing schools of thought. Our purpose is to build off Holsti and Rosenau's analyses and extend their argument. Research based on the content analysis of foreign policy and national opinion journals from 1980 to 1989 demonstrates that there is more diversity and complexity in the range and content of beliefs held by American leaders than Holsti and Rosenau have yet been able to capture through their "three-" and "four-headed eagles." Although the three-headed eagle serves as a useful scheme for categorizing the broad foreign policy perspectives of American leaders, it de-emphasizes important differences in beliefs and ignores at least two foreign policy orientations that exist within their general categories. This is not a mere academic exercise, for it sheds light on the level of diversity and complexity of elite beliefs, which enriches an understanding of the politics of U.S. foreign policy since Vietnam. A preliminary examination of foreign policy and national opinion journals from 1990 to 1994 indicates that American elites are changing and adapting while at the same time, they are absorbing profound global changes into their prevailing belief systems, as predicted by the political psychological literature. This suggests that the diversity and complexity present in the 80s is likely to persist and grow throughout the 90s. Our research also suggests the importance of developing alternative methods to complement reliance on survey research in order to capture more fully the diversity and complexity of the foreign policy beliefs of Americans.     

National leadership for children and youth with serious emotional disturbance: Progress and prospects

Despite the federal mandate to identify and provide appropriate educational and related services to children and youth with serious emotional disturbance (SED), the national profile portrays exceptionally low rates of identification; unacceptably low rates of school completion; high rates of placement in segregated environments; evidence that economic and demographic factors substantially affect identification, placement, and school completion; and a mixed, although mostly discouraging picture of outcomes after leaving the educational system. Recent national leadership, comprised of strategic planning, research, and demonstration initiatives has attained considerable momentum and is intended to improve outcomes for children with SED. Significant changes are anticipated as a result of the upcoming reauthorization of the statute governing special education and related services. These changes reflect a 20 year perspective regarding the benefits and shortcomings of current eligibility criteria and discretionary initiatives for improving outcomes for children with disabilities. The manner in which these changes may affect prospects for better serving children with SED is discussed.     

全球化时代跨界民族国家认同的心理机制

全球化迅速改变着传统的生活方式和观念, 影响着人们的国家认同建构。跨界民族的国家认同具有复杂性、模糊性和不稳定性, 在全球化时代受到的冲击更大。一旦跨界民族的国家认同偏低, 就会影响跨界民族的国家情感, 危及边疆地区甚至国家的社会稳定。本项目拟通过4个研究, 预期实现以下目标：①将国家认同分成文化认同和公民认同两种成分, 并编制符合民族实际状况的跨界民族国家认同问卷; ②探讨民族认同、穆斯林认同在群际歧视知觉与国家认同间的中介作用; ③理清民族内隐理论对国家认同的影响; ④探讨管理体制、民生政策、经济发展水平和民族政策对国家认同的影响, 并尝试建立跨界民族国家认同数据库, 及时把握跨界民族国家认同的动态建构过程。研究结果对完善民族政策、开展宣传教育具有一定的指导意义。     

Young People's Deliberations on Geographic Mobility: Identity and Cross-Border Relocation

This paper considers how social identities may shape group members' spatial behaviour. Specifically, it reports a small-scale interview study (n  =  30) conducted with young people (17 years of age) living in a Scottish town close to a national border (with England). This border has very little physical presence. However, the psychological significance of a Scottish identification remains strong, and we investigate the ways in which national identities are implicated in young people's deliberations about their future geographic mobility throughout the United Kingdom. Our data suggest that national identity-related considerations are not always salient in our participants' deliberations. Yet, when national identity is salient and mobility is framed in national terms, we find our participants are often cautious about relocating to England. However, our data also suggest that the ways in which a national framing of self and mobility may be consequential is itself diverse.     

Alternative Measures of American National Identity: Implications for the Civic‐Ethnic Distinction

Studies of national identity distinguish between ethnic and civic nations and have sought to identify these alternative conceptions of national identity in public opinion. The standard measurement technique is to assess the normative content of American national identity by asking survey respondents to rate the importance of particular traits for making someone a “true” American. We argue that such measures are problematic, chiefly because of the impact of nonrandom measurement error. We explore the influence of using ranking measures instead of ratings, using a survey experiment conducted on a nationally representative sample of Americans in 2008. The ranking method is superior for distinguishing between ethnic and civic conceptions of nationhood and, therefore, for predicting preferences on issues such as immigration policy. We develop a new statistical method that effectively “converts” ratings into scores that approximate rankings, resulting in the creation of more valid measures of both ethnic and civic national identities.     

Can Patriots Be Critical after a Nationalist War? The Struggle Between Recognition and Marginalization of Dissenting Voices

Previous research suggests that the relationship between ingroup identification and reactions to moral violations perpetrated by ingroup members depends on the mode of identification: while glorification lowers group‐based guilt, critical attachment enhances it. In our first study, based on comparative survey research, this pattern was replicated in Serbia, but not in Croatia. In Croatia, highly attached respondents tended to reject criticism of the past war irrespective of their mode of identification. In a second study, we sought to explain the Croatian results by examining how critical attachment is denied legitimacy. We analyzed the rhetorical structure of a parliamentary debate around regime‐critical media coverage. The analyses show how the marginalization of critics is anchored in (1) a monolithic construction of the nation, which sacralizes particular elements and places them beyond discussion, and (2) a construction of the international context as too threatening to permit any dissent. Overall, the results of this mixed‐method study highlight that the opportunity to be recognized as a critical patriot depends on a nation's sociopolitical climate.     

“I'll wait for the English one”: COVID-19 vaccine country of origin,national identity,and their effects on vaccine perceptions and uptake willingness

Vaccines can play a crucial role in reducing the negative outcomes of pandemics. In this paper we explore how vaccine perceptions and uptake willingness can be affected by vaccine-related information, the vaccine's country of origin, and national identity. Study 1 (N = 800) showed that a vaccine manufactured by China was perceived more negatively compared to vaccines from the UK, Germany, and Chile. Providing vaccine effectiveness information (83%) increased preference for waiting for an alternative vaccine and reduced perceived effectiveness of a vaccine from China. Brexit supporters perceived vaccines as less safe in general, and particularly thought of a vaccine from China as less competent, effective, and trustworthy, and were less prepared to have it. Study 2 (N = 601) largely replicated findings of Study 1 regarding the effects of a vaccine's country of origin. Moreover, participants who reported a higher sense of British superiority reported more negative attitudes towards a vaccine from China. However, apart from the aforementioned main effects of Study 2, our attempt to manipulate British identity vis a vis a Global identity in order to examine particular national-identity related outcomes was not successful. Overall, vaccine characteristics can interact with various social psychological factors, potentially affecting people's perceptions and willingness to uptake particular measures to support personal and public health.