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101.
国家青年排球队员时间管理倾向与自我价值感的相关研究   总被引:4,自引:1,他引:3  
黄希庭  毕重增  夏崇德 《心理科学》2004,27(6):1296-1299
运用时间管理倾向量表和自我价值感量表对13名国家青年排球队运动员的研究表明,国家青年排球队运动员的整体时间管理倾向与大学生没有显着差异;自我价值感显着高于常模群体,具有较高的自我价值感水平;相关分析发现,时间监控观与总体自我价值感和一般自我价值感之间的相关显着,时间监控观与社会取向的家庭自我价值感、时间管理倾向的三维度与个体自我价值感之间存在显着的相关;多重回归分析发现时间监控观对总体自我价值感和一般自我价值感具有直接的预测作用。  相似文献   
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Each of the essays presented enters the conversation about religion in public institutions through a different analytic doorway. The essays presented here enlarge and challenge various aspects of our initial analytic framework and enable us to see our blind spots and propose next steps. Reflecting on the contributions, we outline three additional issues to consider: the centrality of religion to the organizational identity or to organizational goal achievement, the effect of a specific aspect of the institution's organizational structure on religion, and the relevance of larger cross‐national differences for explaining differences in the same institution across national borders. Finally, we call for additional cross‐national case studies that will enable continued development of the comparative framework we propose.  相似文献   
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Recent scholarship has discovered significant racial/ethnic group variation in response to political threats such as immigration and terrorism. Surprisingly, minority groups often simultaneously perceive themselves to be at greater risk from such threats and yet still prefer more open immigration policies and civil liberties protections. We suggest a group‐level empathy process may explain this puzzle: Due to their higher levels of empathy for other disadvantaged groups, many minority group members support protections for others even when their own interests are threatened. Little is known, however, about the unique properties of group empathy or its role in policy opinion formation. In this study, we examine the reliability and validity of our new measure of group empathy, the Group Empathy Index (GEI), demonstrating that it is distinct from other social and political predispositions such as ethnocentrism, social dominance orientation, authoritarianism, ideology, and partisanship. We then propose a theory about the development of group empathy in reaction to life experiences based on one's race/ethnicity, gender, age, and education. Finally, we examine the power of group empathy to predict policy attitudes and political behavior.  相似文献   
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全球化迅速改变着传统的生活方式和观念, 影响着人们的国家认同建构。跨界民族的国家认同具有复杂性、模糊性和不稳定性, 在全球化时代受到的冲击更大。一旦跨界民族的国家认同偏低, 就会影响跨界民族的国家情感, 危及边疆地区甚至国家的社会稳定。本项目拟通过4个研究, 预期实现以下目标:①将国家认同分成文化认同和公民认同两种成分, 并编制符合民族实际状况的跨界民族国家认同问卷; ②探讨民族认同、穆斯林认同在群际歧视知觉与国家认同间的中介作用; ③理清民族内隐理论对国家认同的影响; ④探讨管理体制、民生政策、经济发展水平和民族政策对国家认同的影响, 并尝试建立跨界民族国家认同数据库, 及时把握跨界民族国家认同的动态建构过程。研究结果对完善民族政策、开展宣传教育具有一定的指导意义。  相似文献   
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Although the study of national identity in social psychology has examined the various ways in which the national group is ‘imagined’, little attention has been paid to the many collective national commemorations, celebrations and rituals of state assumed to unite the nation. This is surprising given the number of celebrations and commemorations which fill the calendars of modern nations throughout the world and which are assumed by social scientists to play some part in the reproduction of the national community. Taking the British Royal Golden Jubilee celebrations of 2002, the present study examines how understandings of Anglo‐British national identity are manifest in conversational interviews during and after these events. In line with previous examinations of Anglo‐Britishness, our respondents typically resisted imagining the national community as a homogenous whole and distanced themselves from depictions of the Jubilee as a nationalistic event. Support for the Jubilee was contingent upon the event being apolitical and inclusive. We suggest that such collective national events could potentially facilitate ways of imagining the national community in terms of diversity and inclusivity rather than homogeneity and exclusivity. Copyright © 2010 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   
108.
We examine support for policies affecting indigenous ethnic minorities in Chile. Specifically, we examine the role of national group definitions that include the largest indigenous group—the Mapuche—in different ways. Based on questionnaire data from nonindigenous Chilean students (N = 338), we empirically distinguish iconic inclusion, whereby the Mapuche are seen as an important part of Chile's history and identity on the one hand, from egalitarian inclusion, which represents the Mapuche as citizens of equal importance to the nonindigenous majority on the other. Both forms of inclusion positively predict support for indigenous rights, independent of participants' political affiliation, strength of national identification, and social distance. A second study (N = 277) replicates this finding whilst controlling for right‐wing authoritarianism, social dominance orientation, blind patriotism, and constructive patriotism. It also finds iconic inclusion to be predictive of a pro‐Mapuche position regarding the unrest over the issue of ancestral land in 2009. We conclude that understanding how national identity affects attitudes about minority rights necessitates appreciating the importance of particular meanings of nationality, and not only the strength of identification.  相似文献   
109.
Why do immigrants from particular countries systematically face more opposition? To resolve inconsistencies of prevailing group‐threat theories, I reintroduce a long‐standing hypothesis stipulating that people have a disposition for maintaining status hierarchy between ethnic groups. Accordingly, independent of perceived economic or cultural threat, natives are more likely to prefer immigrant groups of higher status based on the development level of the group's national origin. To test this argument, I exploit a substantial provincial variation of immigration flows and attitudes in Spain—one of the only countries that has received immigrants from both less and more developed countries. Consistent with my hypothesis, I demonstrate that anti‐immigration attitudes are more widespread in areas with immigrants from less developed countries regardless of their economic and cultural characteristics. I further document that many voters perceive stable group hierarchies and that these preferences are more predictive of anti‐immigration attitudes in lower‐status immigration contexts. Overall, these results suggest that even culturally similar and economically beneficial immigrant groups from poorer countries can face public opposition due to their lower‐status national origin, highlighting the independent role of group‐status perceptions in politics.  相似文献   
110.
Bodily movement has a deeper meaning than modern sport science might recognize. It can have religious undertones, and in modern societies, it is sometimes related to the building of national identity. In the study, two cases of bodily practice are compared. Norwegian ski has a relation to friluftsliv (outdoor activities) and is highly significant for modern Norwegian identity. Indian yoga is related to the traditional ayurveda medicine and to Hindu spirituality, and obtained an important place in the process of anti-colonial nationalism. The aim is to demonstrate how Norwegian skiing and Indian yoga as national body and movement cultures in different ways, show a complex connection between ‘ancient roots’ and modern transformations of cultural identity. Gliding on skis, sitting, and breathing in yoga make up the basis on which people have built identities of their collective ‘we’.  相似文献   
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