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81.
The causes of corruption are often researched by scholars from the macroscopic perspectives of institutional and cultural factors. Neglected is scholarship on the relationship between individual values and corruption. People’s definitions and attitudes toward corruption are largely determined by personal values. However, scarce scholarly attention has been paid to what and how value factors exert influence on people’s attitudes toward corruption and how values moderate the relationship between the effectiveness of formal institutions against corruption and people’s anticorruption willingness. Drawing on the first‐hand survey data collected among Chinese civil servants, this research explores the impact of civil servants’ values on their tolerance towards corruption and willingness to engage in anticorruption. Adopting Hofstede’s (1984) four values model (power distance, collectivism, uncertainty avoidance, and masculinity), this study reveals that respondents high on collectivism or masculinity hold higher corruption tolerance and lower willingness to participate in actions against corruption whereas uncertainty avoidance is negatively related to corruption tolerance and positively associated with the respondents’ willingness to engage in anticorruption. Furthermore, the values serve as moderating roles in the relationship between formal anticorruption effectiveness and civil servants’ willingness to engage in combating corruption. Specifically, both collectivism and masculinity dilute the positive impact of the government’s anticorruption effectiveness on anticorruption willingness.  相似文献   
82.
《管子》是战国时期一本重要的治国理论著作,它包含着深刻的民生思想,告诫君主要坚持以民为本,才能国强民富,赢得民心,进而实现治理国家的目标。本文从利民、富民、顺民和爱民四个方面对《管子》的民生思想进行剖析,概括《管子》民生思想的精髓。这一研究可以为我国服务型政府建设提供启示和借鉴。  相似文献   
83.
The UK government has consistently sidelined honor-based violence from mainstream political discourse and has chosen to present the issue as a problem that is embedded in the culture of minority communities. This inevitably leads to a sense of heightened cultural sensitivity and the pressure to be viewed as culturally competent. It is argued that for honor-based violence to be managed effectively, it must first be dissociated from culture and from mainstream domestic violence discourse and recognized as a national problem that requires serious and specific policy intervention. Although it is acknowledged that all policy responses to complex social problems should reflect multicultural sensitivity, we argue in this critical review that this should not become an excuse for nonintervention.  相似文献   
84.
Between 1982 and 2011, four Israeli governmental reports addressing ostensible dangers from “cults” (new religious movements, or NRMs) were issued. The 1980s reports use a collectivist discourse, in which the state sees itself as defending the collective's borders from external threats and representing various sectors while seeking consensual values. The 1990s report marks an interim stage in which the state tries to balance individual liberties with sectoral interests. The 2011 report focuses solely on harm to individuals and is the harshest of the four. The reports reflect milestones in three processes of change that have taken place in Israeli society: from a collectivist‐hegemonic ethos to a multisectoral one; from a focus upon society to a focus on the individual; and from nationalistic values to universalistic ones. At every point in time, NRMs represented a different perceived threat to Israeli society. We explain how multisectoralism brings about both tolerance toward new religious phenomena and fierce anti‐cultic activity.  相似文献   
85.
The debate over healthcare reform in the United States has been divisive. Research demonstrates that beliefs that policy beneficiaries violate values strongly predict opposition to these policies. Similar dynamics may be happening regarding opposition to healthcare reform. Specifically, this study tested the hypothesis that opposition to a public option in healthcare reform results from stereotypes that public‐option beneficiaries violate values. In two studies utilizing three samples, beliefs about beneficiaries violating values of hard work consistently predicted opposition to a public option and an alternative market‐based healthcare reform plan, often proposed by public‐option opponents. Results also suggest that assertions that a public option would lead to bigger government increases opposition to a public option by indirectly masking underlying stereotypes about value violations.  相似文献   
86.
公共健康是人类社会存在与发展的重要财富,也是提高国民素质、加速经济增长的基本条件。中国经济近年来处在高速增长期,但并没有真正解决公共健康问题,公共不健康和健康不公平的现状实际上已成为制约社会发展的突出矛盾,对此政府必须坚持低收入人口优先受益原则,承担起加大公共卫生投资力度,加强公共卫生体系建设和进行全民公共健康道德教育的责任。  相似文献   
87.
Three seemingly consensual propositions concerning psychotherapy and counselling are examined critically. All turn out to be unreliable, tendentious and even damaging: (i) Psychotherapy and counselling can be free and independent professions provided therapists, acting together, fight for them to be that way. (ii) Psychotherapy and counselling are private and personal activities, operating in the realms of feelings and emotions – the psyche, the unconscious, affects rooted in the body. Above all other factors, the single most important thing is the therapy relationship between two people. (iii) Psychotherapy and counselling, and psychotherapy are vocations, not jobs. Therapists are not only motivated by money. In developing his critiques of these propositions, the author utilizes social, political and economic perspectives. The author reviews new clinical thinking on the active role of the client in therapeutic process and suggests that a turn to the legendary figure of the Trickster might be of benefit to the field. The author locates his arguments in his experience of the politics and practices of psychotherapy and counselling, and engages in self-criticism.  相似文献   
88.
黄丽芹  孙寅  罗思阳 《心理学报》2022,54(5):497-515
COVID-19疫情是一场重大的全球健康危机, 一些国家在控制COVID-19感染和死亡率上存在明显困难。我们提出, 个人主义的文化价值观不利于对疫情的控制。跨文化分析结果显示, 个人主义文化价值观正向预测COVID-19死亡数、每百万死亡数和死亡率, 独立自我建构负向预测疫情前期控制速度。演化博弈模型和跨文化实验进一步提示, 个人主义文化通过增强个体在疫情背景下的死亡恐惧, 增加个体违反疫情管控的流动性倾向, 从而降低了整体疫情控制的效率。我们的结果支持自然-行为-文化协同进化的理论模型, 提示文化对COVID-19病毒传播管控和死亡可能性的影响, 为各国应对全球公共卫生危机提供了重要科学参考。  相似文献   
89.
In recent years, state leaders have increasingly apologized for historical wrongdoing. This article argues that there are scant conceptual tools available in current apology theory to capture the meanings of such political apologies. Salient theories treat apologies predominantly as “speech acts,” and this perspective produces frameworks of analysis that are preoccupied with linguistic features (e.g., the phrasing of the utterance of the apologizer). This article points to the limitations of this approach by arguing that dramaturgical aspects of performance are equally important. Political apologies are frequently offered during public ceremonies. Reactions in their aftermath indicate that the setup of those ceremonies matter to the victims, who, as primary addressees, assign meanings to the act. Current apology theory, however, gives little consideration to this observation. “What is said” matters most; “where and how it is said” is being neglected. The article concludes with a proposal for future research, which includes the reimagining of political apology as “performance” –a concept that gives credence to both formal speech and dramaturgy.  相似文献   
90.
休谟从分析人类获取生活资料的方式入手,认为正义是一种社会契约,是尊重个人财产权的人为美德;他提出了正义的三大法则,即财产稳定地占有的法则,根据同意转移所有物的法则,履行许诺的法则,并强调政府在落实经济正义三大法则过程中的作用。休谟的经济正义思想反映了市场经济的某些一般特征,对于今天我们研究中国社会的经济正义问题仍有不可替代的借鉴价值。  相似文献   
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