医疗纠纷非诉讼解决机制与和谐医患关系

医疗纠纷的急剧攀升与解决医疗纠纷的方式和途径较为单一、过分倚重诉讼有直接的关系.要改变医疗纠纷的现状,构建和谐医患关系,必须克服法治等于诉讼的误区,建立以法律规范为指导,以预防机制为基础,以非诉讼解决机制为主要方式,以法律诉讼为最终途径的多元化的医疗纠纷解决机制.     

A depleted mind feels inefficacious: Ego‐depletion reduces self‐efficacy to exert further self‐control

Recent research has found that ego‐depletion undermines self‐control by motivating cognition that justifies conservation of mental resource. One potential cognitive mechanism is reduction of self‐efficacy. Specifically, we propose that ego‐depletion might demotivate self‐control by making people believe that they are inefficacious in exerting self‐control in subsequent tasks. Three experiments support the proposal. First, we demonstrated that (a) ego‐depletion can reduce self‐efficacy to exert further control (Experiments 1 to 3) and (b) the temporary reduction of self‐efficacy mediates the effect of depletion on self‐control performance (Experiment 2). Finally, we found that (c) these effects are only observed among participants who endorse a limited (versus non‐limited) theory of willpower and are, hence, more motivated to conserve mental resources (Experiment 3). Taken together, the present findings show that decrease in self‐efficacy to exert further self‐control is an important cognitive process that explains how ego‐depletion demotivates self‐control. This research also contributes to the recent discussion of the psychological processes underlying ego‐depletion.     

Religion,Democracy and the ‘Dawla Madaniyya’ of the Arab Spring

The object of this article is to review and evaluate a debate that has been taking place among Muslim and Arab writers for some time now about the concept of ‘dawla madaniyya’ (‘civil state/government’), and the place of religion in democratic politics. More precisely, it will be suggested that the current popularity of the term ‘dawla madaniyya’ signifies only a partial meeting of minds between Islamists and their liberal and secular opponents. By and large, the concept seems to have an instrumental value as part of an on-going discursive struggle between various political orientations about the place of Islam in the social–political order. On the basis of our discussion of the terms of the debate, a new approach to conceptualizing the disagreement will be suggested. The goal of this is not to resolve the disagreement, but rather to sharpen it in a way that shows what is required to achieve significant progress. The final resolution of the disagreement must await a more radical convergence of ideas than currently exists – a convergence that touches not only on standards of reasonableness but also on substantive beliefs and values.     

Does Han Fei have a conception of justice?

Han Fei’s political theory is widely characterized as eschewing any connection with morality; so, can he have any conception of justice? In this paper, I accept the interpretation of Han Fei jettisoning any moral commitment, but I argue that he gives heed to an understanding of justice. This conception of justice arises naturally from the ordinary human sentiment of resentment for wrongs done and becomes a moral staple in the consciousness of ordinary people. Such a conception of justice has these features: all and only the guilty receive punishment, and the punishments are in some sense proportionate to the crime. Since disregarding this popular conception of justice results in resentment and political instability, Han Fei, without any moral commitment to it, accepts the popular conception of justice on prudential and consequentialist grounds.     

基于虚拟情境锚定法的基层政府信任现状调查与影响因素分析

由于政府信任概念的复杂性及其评价的敏感性,传统一般化的政府信任的测量难以避免评价尺度偏差或社会期望偏差。研究对647名浙江省居民进行网络问卷调查并分析,运用虚拟情境锚定法校正偏差,从而探究民众对基层政府信任现状以及影响因素。结果表明：（1）使用“虚拟情境锚定法”后,“信任”和“完全信任”的总比例为33.54%,较校正前降低了36.01%,即验证了评价尺度偏差与社会期望偏差的存在。（2）校正后的民众基层政府信任水平下降,但整体仍处于中等水平;（3）民众的基层政府信任水平受到年龄、月收入水平、政治面貌、教育程度不同程度的影响。     

Recent Consideration of World Government in the IR Literature: A Critical Appraisal

Because recent contributions on world government in the international relations (IR) literature have focused on relatively nebulous issues, they are of limited usefulness for illuminating whether or not an actual world government would advance the human prospect. This question cannot be sensibly addressed unless in the light of a specific institutional proposal. Along the authority-effectiveness continuum separating the relatively ineffectual existent United Nations on the one hand, and the traditional world federalist ideal of the omnipotent world state on the other, there are intermediate possibilities not subject to the respective disadvantages of the extreme endpoints of this continuum.     

Introduction to the guest edited section: world government

In this introduction, I first present the general problematic of the special section. Our world faces several existential challenges (climate change, threat of (nuclear) war, and global injustice) and some would argue (with even more disagreeing) that the only adequate answer to these challenges is setting up a world government. I then introduce the contributions that comprise the scholarly body of the special section: Andri? on global democracy; Hahn on global political reconciliation; Pinheiro Walla on Kant and world government; Miklós &; Tanyi on institutional consequentialism and world governance. Lastly, I briefly describe the practical context in which the idea of the special section has arisen and in which the present contributions have taken shape.     

Global government or global governance? Realism and idealism in Kant's legal theory

Did Kant believe we need a world government? It has been a matter of controversy in Kant scholarship whether Kant endorsed the creation of a world state or merely a voluntary federation of states with no coercive power. I argue that Kant's main concern was with a global juridical condition, which he regarded as a rational requirement given the equal freedom and equality of individuals. However, he recognized that implementing this rational ideal requires sensitivity to contingent aspects of world politics. I will argue that Kant offers an ideal theory not disentangled from realist considerations and that he adopts what I will call methodological realism: the attempt to realize the requirements of Right (Recht) in a world governed by its own laws and mechanisms. I will illustrate this interpretation with Kant's discussion of the right of nations (Völkerrecht). The confusion in regard to Kant's actual position on the matter, I will argue, is a direct consequence of Kant's methodological realism. The article concludes by showing how Kant’'s ideas and methods can inspire us to rethink global institutions for our current global challenges.     

The Laozi’s criticism of government and society and a daoist criticism of the modern state

The Laozi expounds a thoroughgoing and sustained criticism of government and society. In this paper, I will demonstrate that although this criticism is addressed to the ancient Chinese state, it can also have some validity for the modern state of today. I will first briefly discuss the metaphysical grounds of this criticism and stress that the ruler should use wuwei in governing. Then, I will examine the Laozi’s criticism of the oppressive governments that use unnatural governing through youwei which increases the state disorder, as well as how this criticism is supported by its metaphysical grounds. Third, I will show that the selfish desires may significantly contribute to the state disorder and that the only one to be blamed for the arousing of them is the ruler. At last, I will attempt to show that this criticism may also to a certain extent be directed toward today’s modern state.