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21.
    
Martin Luther considered governmental authority to be one of the structures through which God exercises providential care of the created world. Consequently, government and civil society are dimensions of life in which one lives out the divine calling to serve one's neighbors. This theological perspective offers a distinct contribution to discussions of the appropriate role of religion in the public square. God's desire for justice for all is the criterion by which to evaluate specific governments, policies, and officials. The goal of justice provides a common framework within which Christians can work for the common good with those of other faiths and no faith.  相似文献   
22.
ABSTRACT

In Sinicized Asia, justice, conceptualized and institutionalized in its current form on a Western mold is part of a singular and ancient Confucian legal tradition.

In this paper, it will be argued that Confucians initially articulated the concept of justice in relation to their own explanation of the world and their ideal, which distinguishes and rewards men’s actions according to their merits and social condition.

It will be shown that Confucius’s thinking is primarily political and suggests ways of harmoniously organizing and reforming society in which justice is conceived both as a principle of government, a principle of social conduct and one of the essential virtues, or a ‘moral sense’ that everyone must possess, while, in practice, Confucian justice will put forward the imperatives of retributive justice. This, despite its philosophical aversion for sanctions and for what upsets harmony.  相似文献   
23.
    
Abstract

From the perspective of philosophy and political science it is often pointed out that trust is of central value for democracy. The paper critically examines this claim and argues that we should not overestimate the role of trust in democracy. In order to do that, I argue for a specific understanding of the notion of trust that appropriately accounts for the distinction between trust and mere reliance. In a second step, I argue that we have no reason to put this kind of trust in our elected officials and representatives, but should instead focus on legislative and institutional ways to make sure that they are reliable in particular respects. After contrasting my suggestion with the position of Hardin, I point to two advantages of my account: (1) The avoidance of political analysis through the lens of trust allows us to react more flexibly to unforeseen circumstances and resist populist attempts to emotionalize public debates; (2) at the same time, diffusing the tension between trust and civic vigilance solves a systematic problem in political philosophy. In a concluding section, I briefly discuss the question whether there is an alternative role for trust to play in the field of politics.  相似文献   
24.
Nowadays, the criticism of the so-called ‘deficit model’ and the need for ‘upstream engagement’ in science and technology are becoming part of the master narratives of public policies in many countries, especially concerning nanotechnology. This may be considered as a major success for STS scholars, whose research results have largely contributed to this change, especially those concerning the GMO controversies. Some STS scholars thus move from a position of distant and critical observers to the role of experts in social engineering or advisers of policy-makers. However, in their enthusiasm concerning the expected benefits of upstream engagement, institutions, TA practitioners and social scientists seem to ignore some important limitations as well as the implicit framing assumptions of the concept. Based on an experience made by a group of social scientists in the Grenoble area—one of the major ‘nanodistricts’ in Europe—our paper shows that the ‘upstream engagement’ concept is still embedded in a linear model of innovation and is not very useful to anyone pursuing the co-production of innovations. It is especially true when socio-technical networks are already aligned by powerful actors and a worldwide agenda as in the case of nanotechnology. In order to give an opportunity for public engagement to have a larger impact on decision-making, we propose an alternative approach, which combines Actor–Network Theory (ANT), as an analytical tool, with the reflexive and ongoing implementation of public participation. Public engagement is probably one of the critical loci where STS scholars must reflect on the articulation between the knowledge they produce and public policies in action.  相似文献   
25.
The idea of pan-Islamism in Afghanistan emerged after the foundation of the Constitutional Party in the early 1900s. The party was an underground organization which had cells in an educational institution, the royal court and among the foreign group (Indians) employed in government departments. Pan-Islamism served to unite various political forces toward certain political and cultural goals. After the accession of Amanullah to the throne in 1919, pan-Islamism became a state policy. It served as the key to the government's foreign policy, especially towards the two imperial powers in the region, Britain and Russia. Amanullah used it as a means to fulfil his political expansionist ambitions. This article examines what pan-Islamism meant to the Constitutional Party and to King Amanullah, the reasons behind their approaches, and the political context that made pan-Islamism the most appealing ideological and political strategy for them. The article also explores the means the party and Amanullah used to propagate pan-Islamism.  相似文献   
26.
Chaos in brain function. Edited by Erol Basar Springer‐Verlag, 1990, Berlin. Softcover, 176 pp., 66 figures, index.  相似文献   
27.
The state and federal governments, along with private industry, play an important role in the development of a health profession. State governments establish training standards through licensure laws, and state programs dictate employment and payment opportunities. The federal government unifies a profession through recognition in national health care programs. Private industry provides public access through private health insurance. The counseling profession has spent decades opening these federal, state, and private programs to become an established health profession.  相似文献   
28.
The demise of Christendom is of fundamental significance in understanding the present and future relationship between the churches and European culture. Attempts to develop post-Christendom perspectives are hindered by linguistic and conceptual confusion. This article explores misleading implications of the terms ‘post-Constantinian’ and ‘post-Christian’ and argues for the consistent use of the term ‘post-Christendom’. Use of the terms ‘Christendom’ and ‘post-Christendom’ has been criticised for failing to differentiate between different kinds of Church–state partnerships, some of which may be less problematic than others. This article acknowledges such historical differences but argues that there is an underlying ideological unity susceptible of being described and investigated under these labels. It argues further that attempts to promote a benign expression of Christendom as a possible future for Europe are unwise. It summarises the transitions occurring as Europe journeys beyond Christendom and argues for creative engagement with post-Christendom as an opportunity for ecclesial renewal.  相似文献   
29.
王登峰  崔红 《心理学报》2008,40(7):828-838
研究旨在探讨基层党政领导干部的人格特点与工作绩效之间的关系。中国人人格量表(QZPS)测量的人格的七个维度及其18个次级因素均与工作绩效的维度存在不同程度的相关,其中处世态度、人际关系和外向性与任务绩效绩效相关最高,处世态度、情绪性和行事风格与个人品质绩效绩效相关最高,而情绪性与他人评定绩效相关最高。人格因素可以解释自我评定绩效31. 7% ~ 49. 9%的变异,可以解释他人评定绩效6. 3% ~ 12. 8%的变异。而采用NEO PI-R测量人格时,所解释的工作绩效的变异只有QZPS的1/3左右。文中还讨论了工作绩效和人格结构的文化意义以及本土化研究的重要性  相似文献   
30.
    
The issue addressed in this essay is what constitutes the most appropriate type of relationship between the individual and society. Because African countries have generally not been successful reconstructing their societies in a manner that can significantly help their peoples to realize their human potential, they are in need of social reconstruction. In their attempts to find a solution to this problem, African scholars—both post-colonial African nationalist leaders and contemporary African philosophers and scholars of African culture—have fixed on the idea that a liberal or communitarian ideology can reverse the collapse of shared values. Many of these scholars claim that the roots of communitarianism go back to indigenous African societies. Others, meanwhile, have discovered something in the African way of life that makes African society effectively liberal. This essay holds that none of these attempts to solve the problem of the dislocation of African values succeed, due to the inadequacies inherent in both liberalism and communitarianism. I suggest instead that the only solution to Africa’s social problem is the provision by the government of an essential foundation for the pursuit of such public benefits as peace, welfare, and the opportunity for the individual to pursue his or her own happiness.  相似文献   
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