Moderating effects of rumination and gender on context‐specific aggression

Angry rumination has been linked previously to increased aggression. The effects of trait rumination on men and women's emotional and aggressive responses under different cueing contexts were examined. Aggressive behavior, not resulting from direct insult or provocation, was indexed by a laboratory paradigm that measured the intensity and the duration of shocks delivered to a putative “employee”. Frustration about, and cognitive focus on, the employee's poor performance was manipulated through the cover story and procedures; however, half the participants were exposed to a fearful/distracting stressor (stress focused) whereas the other half were not (confederate focused). Emotional responses and evaluations of the confederate were also assessed. Results indicated that rumination enhanced the effects of context, so that it related to greater fear and sadness in the stress‐focused context and to increased aggression and motives to aggress in the confederate‐focused context. These effects, however, were more robust for women than men. Ruminative men tended to show more hostile behaviors and motives across both conditions. Mechanisms for the effects of rumination on aggression, and gender differences in these processes, are discussed. Aggr. Behav. 00:1–17, 2005. © 2005 Wiley‐Liss, Inc.     

Stability and Change in Emotion-Organization

This investigation is based on the assumption that a person's emotion-organization is a stable, idiosyncratic property of great importance in determining that person's distinctive characteristics. The two main issues are whether a stable emotion-organization can be found in the turmoil of everyday life and whether life events affect this organization. A sequence of 323 daily assessments of an emotion list by a 26-year-old woman justifies the conclusion that stable, meaningful clusters of emotions can be distinguished. Highly emotional events have an enduring effect upon the organization of these clusters.     

积极情绪与身心健康关系研究的进展

积极情绪与身体健康、心理健康和社会适应有密切的关系。首先,积极情绪不仅能够降低传染性疾病的感染风险,能够影响非传染性疾病病情、病程及死亡率。其次,积极情绪能够降低个体的心理易感性,使个体更好的应对负性或压力事件。最后,现有的研究表明积极情绪和社会交往存在相互促进的关系。现存的直接效应模型和压力缓冲模型解释了积极情绪直接和间接促进健康的机制。未来的研究还需在研究方法和模型完善等方面进一步改进。     

硕士生就业压力源、人格、情绪调节策略与负性情绪的关系

该研究以某985高校550名硕士毕业生为样本,编制、修订了相关问卷或量表,通过数据分析探讨了就业压力源对就业过程产生的负性情绪的直接效应及人格、情绪调解策略等中介变量的效应。结果发现,就业压力源、神经质性对负性情绪有显著直接效应,就业压力源通过人格的神经质性维度对负性情绪产生显著间接效应;神经质性的影响程度大于就业压力源的影响程度。关于负性情绪,未发现情绪调节策略对其有显著的直接效应或中介效应。     

道德情绪：道德行为的中介调节

道德情绪是心理学的一个重要研究主题。道德情绪是个体根据一定的道德标准评价自己或他人的行为和思想时所产生的一种情绪体验。它是一种复合情绪, 主要包括厌恶、移情、内疚, 羞耻等。道德情绪影响下人类会产生某些典型行为, 这主要包括道德洁净行为和道德补偿行为。心理学研究道德情绪的实验范式很多, 主要有行为回忆范式、实物或图片刺激范式、情境设置范式等。有关道德情绪的未来研究主要应注重于探讨正性道德情绪在道德发展中的作用, 探讨道德情绪对群体行为的影响, 以及探讨道德情绪在不同文化背景下的价值意义。     

中学生物理学业情绪问卷的修订及调查研究

以青少年学业情绪问卷为基础,结合物理学科特点对问卷项目进行修改,修订中学生物理学业情绪问卷.以314名初二到高二学生为被试进行预测,通过验证性因素分析对问卷项目进行调整,最终问卷包括67个项目.经检验问卷的内部一致性信度、分半信度和效标效度符合测量学的要求.在此基础上,选用728名初二到高三学生为被试.结果发现:(1)总体来看,男生,尤其是来自重点中学的男生,其积极物理学业情绪要高于女生,而女生的消极物理学业情绪要高于男生;(2)重点中学的初中生的积极低唤醒物理学业情绪得分显著高于高中生,且重点中学的初中生的消极低唤醒物理学业情绪得分显著低于高中生,而普通中学则正好相反;(3)在物理学业情绪中,积极高唤醒和积极低唤醒的所有因子与物理学业成就皆呈显著正相关,而消极高唤醒(仅羞愧)和消极低唤醒(厌倦、无助、心烦-疲乏)与物理学业成就呈显著负相关.     

成就目标、学业情绪及学业成绩的关系研究述评

成就目标(Achievement Goal)是个体对从事成就活动的目的或意义的知觉,学业情绪(Academic Emotion)是指与学业学习、班级指导和学业成就直接相关的各种情绪。成就目标与学业情绪相互作用,即成就目标会影响学生的学业情绪,学业情绪反过来也会影响成就目标。同时,成就目标和学业情绪对学生的学业成绩具有综合预测作用,学业情绪在成就目标和学业成绩间起中介作用。未来研究的方向主要在于深入探讨成就目标与更细分的学业情绪的关系,以及成就目标、学业情绪和成绩之间的相互作用。     

Divergent effects of different positive emotions on moral judgment

Positive emotions are often treated as relatively similar in their cognitive-behavioral effects, and as having unambiguously beneficial consequences. For example, Valdesolo and DeSteno (2006) reported that a humorous video made people more prone to choose a utilitarian solution to a moral dilemma. They attributed this finding to increased positive affect. To determine whether such results actually stem in general from positive affect or from other more specific properties of humor, we conducted an experiment with moral dilemmas presented during an interleaved emotion-induction procedure involving mirth and another positive emotion, elevation. Mirth increased permissiveness for deontological violations, whereas elevation had the opposite effect. Furthermore, affective valence had no apparent independent influence on these judgments. Our results suggest that mirth and elevation have distinct cognitive consequences whose properties reflect their respective social functions, not their shared positive valence.     

Tell me who you are and I tell you how you feel: expected emotional reactions to success and failure are influenced by knowledge about a person's personality

The present research investigated the influence of knowledge about a person's modesty or arrogance on people's expectations regarding that person's emotional reactions to success and failure. Arrogance and modesty reflect the extent to which someone is likely to publicize their ability. Accordingly, we predicted that observers' expectations regarding a person's tendency to publicize their ability should inform expectations about the person's emotional reactions to success and failure. In two vignette studies, observers predicted the emotional state of a protagonist, as well as the probability that s/he will actually express that emotion and share the experience with others. For success, participants predicted a protagonist's pride, happiness, schadenfreude, and embarrassment if praised for a positive outcome. For failure, participants predicted anger, shame, guilt, sadness, and fear reactions. Across studies, personality information explained more variance than did gender or status. Results showed that the expectations for an arrogant person matched modal expectations for success, whereas for failure the expectations for the modest individual were closest to the modal expectations. Specifically, both modest and arrogant individuals were expected to suppress emotions that do not fit their self-presentational styles rather than to exaggerate expressions that do. This paper adds to our understanding of the information that people use to predict others' emotional reactions.     

How beliefs influence the relative magnitude of pleasure and pain

Loss aversion is an economic assumption about utility—people value giving up a good more than they value getting it. It also has hedonic meaning—the pain of a loss is greater in magnitude than the pleasure of a comparable gain. But value and pleasure are not necessarily identical. We test the hedonic interpretation of loss aversion in experimental markets. With hedonic forecasts, sellers imagine the pain of losing their endowment, and buyers imagine the pleasure of being endowed. With hedonic experiences, sellers rate the pleasure of having the endowment, and buyers rate the pain of being without it. Contrary to loss aversion, predicted pleasure is greater in magnitude than predicted pain, and experienced pleasure surpasses experienced pain. We show that the relative magnitude of pleasure and pain depends on beliefs about the likelihood of outcomes, as well as utilities. Surprise makes gains more pleasurable and losses more painful. With surprising gains and expected losses, pleasure can surpass pain. But when gains and losses are equally likely (or losses are surprising and gains are expected), the opposite pattern can occur. Finally, within‐group and between‐group prices are significantly correlated with hedonic experiences. Sellers who feel better with their endowments assign higher selling prices, and buyers who feel worse about the absence of endowment assign higher buying prices. Despite the fact that hedonic experiences deviate from loss aversion, these emotions predict the endowment effect. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.