Racial/ethnic differences in Body Mass Index: the roles of beliefs about thinness and dietary restriction

The greater BMI of African American relative to Caucasian women is implicated in racial/ethnic disparities in health outcomes. The principal aim of the current study was to evaluate a theoretical account of racial/ethnic differences in BMI. Thin-ideal internalization, the perceived romantic appeal of thinness, dietary restriction, weight, and height were assessed via self-report measures on a sample of female undergraduates of African American (n = 140) and Caucasian (n = 676) race/ethnicity. Using structural equation modeling, support was obtained for the primary hypothesis that racial/ethnic differences in BMI are explained by Caucasian women's greater thin-ideal internalization and perceived romantic appeal of thinness, thereby resulting in greater levels of dietary restriction. Current findings illustrate the potential for racial/ethnic differences in sociocultural standards of appearance to influence racial/ethnic disparities in physical health, of which BMI is a marker, via effects on weight control behavior.     

景颇族初中生的民族社会化觉察及其特征

民族社会化觉察是指少数民族孩子对父母向他们传递的有关民族特征信息的认知。采用问卷调查、情境实验和故事补全任务考察景颇族初中生对母亲传递的民族社会化信息的觉察及特征。结果表明：(1)景颇族初中生觉察到的民族社会化信息包含促进和睦、文化社会化、促使不信任和偏见准备; (2)景颇族初中生对不同信息的觉察存在差异, 对促进和睦的觉察显著多于文化社会化和偏见准备, 对促使不信任的觉察最少; (3)在冲突情境中, 有无偏见线索影响被试对偏见准备的觉察; (4)被试的民族社会化觉察存在性别差异, 女生更多地觉察到促进和睦, 男生更多地觉察到促使不信任。整个研究表明, 青少年的民族社会化觉察存在着文化差异, 与美国少数族裔青少年觉察到母亲偏重于传递文化社会化、偏见准备不同, 景颇族初中生觉察到母亲偏重于传递促进和睦。     

民族文化认同与大学生职业成熟度的关系及其心理机制

为考察大学生民族文化认同与职业成熟度的关系及其内在心理机制,本研究采用多民族青少年文化认同问卷、大学生生涯自我效能感量表和大学生职业成熟度量表对4292名在校大学生进行测查,结果发现：（1）大学生的主流文化认同、民族文化认同、生涯自我效能感和职业成熟度之间具有明显的正相关;（2）主流文化认同--生涯自我效能感在民族文化认同与职业成熟度之间起链式中介作用;（3）生涯自我效能感中介民族文化认同与职业成熟度的关系在男生样本中不显著而在女生样本中显著;主流文化认同、生涯自我效能感分别单独中介民族文化认同与职业成熟度的关系在汉族大学生样本中为部分中介,而在少数民族大学生样本中为完全中介。     

The Effect of Education on Nationalism and Ethnic Exclusionism: An International Comparison

In most studies on ethnic attitudes, a rather strong negative relationship has been found between educational attainment and positive ingroup attitudes (or negative outgroup attitudes). However, it is not well known to what extent this educational effect varies across different national contexts. This study investigated the effect of education on different dimensions of nationalism and ethnic exclusionism with the use of 1995 survey data gathered in 22 countries. Notions from socialization theory were used to test whether the educational effect varies according to the length of liberal-democratic tradition and the degree of religious heterogeneity within a country. Results indicate that educational attainment is strongly related to ethnic exclusionism as well as chauvinism, but not to patriotism. Moreover, the effect of education on ethnic exclusionism is smaller in recently established democracies. The hypothesis regarding stronger educational effects in societies with more religious heterogeneity was not supported.     

A Cross-National Comparison of Nationalism in Austria, the Czech and Slovac Republics, Hungary, and Poland

The transition to democracy in Eastern Europe after the breakdown of communist regimes was challenged by ethnic and national tensions. Nationalist sentiments and traditional patterns of ethnic intolerance were almost immediately revitalized. The analysis presented here concerns nationalist orientation in several of these countries in the context of ideology and social origin, which form links among nationalist identification, ethnic intolerance, democratic and economic orientation, and social class position. In 1996, representative national surveys were carried out in Hungary, the Czech and Slovak republics, and Poland. The study was then extended to Austria, where, like in other Western democracies, nationalistic, xenophobic, and rightist-radical attitudes have emerged. Analyses of the attitude structures (structural equation models) showed that different types of nationalism have developed. In post-communist countries—with the exception of the Czech Republic—anticapitalist feelings are strongly correlated with nationalism and ethnic intolerance. Such attitudes are held by the lower classes, yet this form of antiliberalism is not directed against democracy. In Austria, a classical "underclass authoritarianism" exists but remains independent of economic ideology. This is typical of the "new right" in Europe: a "modernized" brand of fascism in which neoliberal ideology, instead of anticapitalist resentments, is combined with traditional value patterns.     

What Does It Mean to Be an American? Patriotism,Nationalism, and American Identity After 9/11

The period of heightened nationalism in the United States that followed the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001 provided unusual conditions for investigating issues surrounding the distinction between patriotism and nationalism and the relationship between national identification and pluralistic values. In a survey of national identity and social attitudes conducted in late September 2001, two different definitions of national unity were inserted in the introduction to the questionnaire in an attempt to prime activation of different conceptualizations of nationality. Results demonstrated that the priming conditions did have an effect on the pattern of interrelationships among measures of patriotism, nationalism, and tolerance for cultural diversity.     

少数民族认同研究的现状

从“认同“的概念界定及其嬗变出发,介绍了西方研究者在民族认同的发展、民族认同与心理健康、民族认同与文化适应、民族认同与人格发展等方面的研究,并且概括了民族认同的一些研究策略.文章最后指出,在西部大开发的社会背景下,民族心理研究,尤其是宏观层面民族认同心理的研究对我国的现实意义.     

The Psychodynamics of Australian Settler–Nationalism: Assimilating or Reconciling With the Aborigines?

Settler–nationalism is a form of nationalism that must face specific cultural dilemmas as a result of the dispossession of indigenous peoples. Since the Second World War, Australia has attempted to come to terms with its past of dispossession and to find ways to incorporate Aborigines within national imaginings, and within the nation itself. This paper argues that there are two modes of settler–nationalism—termed assimilationist and indigenizing—that compete to organize the national reality, including relations between the settler and indigenous populations. Kleinian object relations theory is drawn upon to delineate the emotional structures of the two modes of nationalism. Implications for indigenous rights, in particular for Aboriginal land rights, are examined.     

Tackling conflict: a beyond opposites approach

The issue of conflict is pervasive to most human undertakings at both individual/intra level and group level. Conflicts are the source of internal and external suffering. It has been argued by many authors that although humans have advanced in the technological sphere tremendously and managed to find solutions to countless scientific and material challenges, their ability to effectively resolve internal and external aspects of conflicts remains elusive. Given the level of pain and suffering that can derive from both psychological and social conflicts, it can be argued that any advances in helping improve the resolution of conflicts can have immense benefits in alleviating human suffering making this issue a very worthwhile area of study. Accordingly this paper aims to describe a developing counselling methodology for addressing conflict. The methodology, which was originally inspired by Fuzzy Logic, adopts a cognitive behavioural therapy (CBT) perspective despite awareness of its limitations. The paper traces the origins of the methodology and the areas within counselling it could be applied to. The paper concludes with recommendations regarding the relevance of this approach to an increasingly multicultural environment.     

IS LIBERAL NATIONALISM INCOMPATIBLE WITH GLOBAL DEMOCRACY?

Abstract: To respond to globalization-related challenges, many contemporary political theorists have argued for forms of democracy beyond the level of the nation-state. Since the early 1990s, however, political theory has also witnessed a renewed normative defense of nationhood. Liberal nationalists have been influential in claiming that the state should protect and promote national identities, and that it is desirable that the boundaries of national and political units coincide. At first glance, both positions—global democracy and nationalism—seem to contradict each other. We do not share this oppositional picture. Developing a more harmonic picture of nationalist ideals and cosmopolitan visions is the aim of this essay.