A new type of defect on {1120} planes in ß-Si3N4 produced by neutron irradiation

Measurements of static permittivity, refractive index and density have been carried out to study possible H-bonded complexes in solutions of anisole diluted by benzene together with high-static-permittivity alcohols, i.e. cyclohexanol, n-butanol, tert-butanol, isopropyl alcohol and 1-hexanol. The experiments were performed at 303 K. Dipole moments of the mixtures are calculated from the experimental data and these are used to obtain dipolar increments. The concentration ratio of proton donor to proton acceptor is plotted against a parameter, Ω_B, which is determined from experimental data. From the plot, the dipole moment of the mixture and that of the component B are determined. The order of the complex can be obtained from the nature of the graph. The investigation shows that the interaction between the two components arises solely from a polarization effect.     

Giant electrocaloric effect of highly (1 0 0)-oriented 0.68PbMg1/3Nb2/3O3–0.32PbTiO3 thin film

PbZr_0.95Ti_0.05O₃ thin film has the highest electrocaloric properties of all the oxide thin films (0.48?K?V^?1). Here, it is shown giant electrocaloric properties in 200?nm (1?0?0)-oriented PMN–PT 68/32 film near the ferroelectric Curie temperature of 146?°C. The results indicate the significance of this system to achieve electrocaloric entropy change and temperature change, up to 32.21?J/kg?°C and 14?K, respectively, in 12?V (i.e. 1.155?K?V^?1) near the Curie point. This exceeds the previous best results obtained in PbZr_0.95Ti_0.05O₃ thin film.     

From “blessing in disguise” to “what do I do now?”: How Canadian Olympic and Paralympic hopefuls perceived,experienced, and coped with the postponement of the Tokyo 2020 Games

The purpose of this study was to explore how Canadian elite athletes perceived, experienced, and coped with the Covid-19 pandemic and postponement of the Tokyo 2020 Games. We conducted semi-structured interviews with seven Paralympic and 14 Olympic hopefuls (n = 21). Data were analyzed using reflexive thematic analysis. Due to halting of training and competition and inabilities to live out the coveted performance narrative emphasizing winning above all, participants experienced complex emotional webs and questioned their purpose as athletes, which catalyzed psychological disruption. They coped by reframing the postponement as an opportunity for growth and risk-free chance to challenge the performance narrative through the embodiment of a reclaimed time narrative and associated attempts to diversify identities in non-sport domains. The findings highlight how the sociocultural environment impacts athletes’ agency to self-regulate in response to unexpected and dynamic athletic career-related events, thereby prompting the negotiation of concomitant psychological (dis)stress and growth.     

The contrasting effects of negative word of mouth in the post-consumption stage

We explore the effects of negative word of mouth (NWOM) from worse-off or similar others in the post-consumption stage. In four experiments, we show that the ramifications of NWOM are more complex than portrayed in the literature. Specifically, we demonstrate that attribute-based NWOM has a negative (i.e., aggravating) effect on dissatisfied consumers, whereas experience-based NWOM has a positive (i.e., alleviating) effect. Thought-listing data reveal distinct processes underlying the contrasting effects. On one hand, these results are consistent with the predictions of attitude polarization and downward comparison research. On the other hand, they are explainable in terms of the disconfirmation model.     

Protestant Clergy and the Culture Wars: An Empirical Test of Hunter's Thesis

Examinations of culture wars typically assess the attitudes of the American public. This study instead focuses on culture wars among religious elites—clergy—and tests three aspects of the culture wars thesis: (1) whether religious elites are engaged in culture wars, (2) whether clergy attitudes are polarized on these issues, and (3) whether religious authority or religious affiliation is more salient in creating culture wars cleavages. Using data from a large random sample of Protestant clergy, we find a substantial amount of engagement in culture wars by all types of Protestant clergy. The amount of polarization is more attributable to views of religious authority (i.e., biblical inerrancy) than to religious tradition. Moreover, polarization among clergy is somewhat more evident on culture wars issues than on other social and political issues. These findings are generally supportive of the culture wars thesis and should help return examinations of culture wars back to where they were originally theorized to be waged: among elites.     

Presidential Leadership Style and the Political Use of Force

A growing body of work seeks to explain the lack of clear evidence for the diversionary use of force by casting doubt on such strategies' attractiveness for policy makers: while domestic political and economic problems may provide incentives for diversion, such strategies involve political and military risks that frequently outweigh these incentives. Such theories correctly identify the objective risks involved in diversion but do not account for variation in leaders' risk‐taking propensities. We develop a “first image” theory of diversion that suggests a key psychological variable (locus of control) shapes leaders' willingness to engage in risky diversionary strategies. A statistical analysis of the American use of force, 1953–2000, finds strong support for this model. We conclude that the lack of clear evidence for diversion in general is a reflection of the contingent nature of the phenomenon and call for greater attention to how agents and structures interact to produce policy behavior.     

Intellectual humility and between-party animus: Implications for affective polarization in two community samples

The extent to which individual differences in personality traits and cognitive styles diminish affective polarization (AP) is largely unknown. We address this gap by examining whether intellectual humility (IH) buffers against AP. We examined the associations between domain-general and domain-specific measures of IH, on the one hand, and AP, on the other, in two community samples. Measures of IH were robustly negatively associated with AP. Moreover, IH significantly incremented measures of allied constructs, including general humility, in the statistical prediction of AP. There was some evidence that IH buffered the relationships between strong political belief and AP. Future research is needed to clarify whether IH is sufficient to protect against AP in the presence of ideological extremity.     

Drifting Further Apart? How Exposure to Media Portrayals of Muslims Affects Attitude Polarization

Political discourses about Muslim immigration in the media and on social networking sites (SNSs) are highly contentious and have the potential to further polarize societal segments, which may ultimately harm democratic processes. Especially on SNSs, politicians and citizens can circumvent journalistic filters often resulting in blatant and emotionally charged content. Using a two-wave panel design (N = 559), we investigated how positive and negative portrayals of Muslims in traditional media outlets and on SNSs influence anti-Muslim immigration attitudes among people who either agree or disagree with the encountered information. Our findings indicate that exposure to negative portrayals further reinforces anti-Muslim immigration attitudes among those who agree with the encountered information. In contrast, for those who disagree with the negative information, a backfire effect emerges, showing that anti-Muslim attitudes even decrease. This effect occurs for both SNSs and traditional media. Positive information about Muslims did not result in attitude polarization.     

Political Consequences of Partisan Prejudice

Political conflict sometimes spills over into unrelated areas of our lives. A growing literature documents examples of partisan considerations influencing judgments and behaviors in ostensibly nonpolitical contexts such as the workplace, academia, and dating, among others. To date, the focus has been on demonstrating these phenomena, with scant consideration of their downstream effects. When politics spills over into nonpolitical settings—that is, when political considerations influence nonpolitical judgments or behaviors—what are the consequences? I address this question with a novel theory and a nationally representative survey experiment. I find that norms exist regarding the spillover of political considerations into nonpolitical matters—and that spillover can have its own political consequences. When one's copartisans discriminate against members of the other party, it can lead to decreased partisan identification and depolarization. Partisan discrimination in nonpolitical settings can—in some sense ironically—reduce affective polarization. That said, partisans also appear to hold a double standard: They expect copartisans to give an edge to fellow copartisans.