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71.
Past research shows that authoritarian individuals hold strong opinions about a variety of political and social issues, such as race relations and military conflict. What has not been established, though, is the amount of general political knowledge that authoritarians possess. In this study, three groups of college students were administered Altemeyer's Right-Wing Authoritarianism (RWA) scale; most of them also received items assessing general political knowledge and specific knowledge about the 2000 presidential election, as well as items assessing interest in politics. Relative to students with low RWA scores, those with high scores possessed less political knowledge; moreover, they expressed less interest in learning about politics. In general, authoritarianism was unrelated to how individuals got their political information or how credible they found their sources. The implication that authoritarians hold strong attitudinal beliefs with weak political knowledge is discussed. 相似文献
72.
This article focuses on the legislative careers of women and men in state legislative office to explore how the relationship between the private and public spheres affects career opportunities, choices, perceptions, and actions. The findings indicate that the intersection of private and public is configured differently in the lives of women and men. Among other results, women were found to perform double duty, holding primary responsibility for the work of home and children even though they have the same public responsibilities as their male counterparts. The implications of these findings for individuals, public policy choices, institutional operations, and social patterns are explored. 相似文献
73.
Mohsen Joshanloo 《British journal of psychology (London, England : 1953)》2018,109(4):637-655
As more and more people realize that wealth fails to fully capture the essence of human well-being, interest in non-monetary measures of well-being has intensified. Eudaimonic well-being (EWB; i.e., optimal psychosocial functioning) is a largely overlooked aspect of national well-being that has never been examined at the global level. This study uses data from nearly 1,800,000 respondents recruited probabilistically from 166 countries between the years of 2005 and 2017 to construct an index of EWB. EWB demonstrates moderate positive associations with other quality-of-life indicators (i.e., national life satisfaction, national prosperity, overall quality of life, and gross domestic product), indicating that it captures information not reflected by them. The distribution of EWB at national, regional, and global levels, as well as its global trend, is explored. The study also examines the relationships between EWB and a number of theoretically related individual- and country-level variables. Presented are also the results of multilevel modelling including a wide range of predictors. 相似文献
74.
Korie L. Edwards 《Journal for the scientific study of religion》2016,55(2):271-287
Religious leaders, across religious traditions and demographic backgrounds, engage in politics in America. However, making sense of this is not an easy task, especially when their religious and political positions do not align. In these instances, they must somehow reconcile their incongruous positions. This article draws upon interview conversations with black religious leaders to explore how this is achieved. It is revealed that respondents bridge the space between their religious and political positions mainly by deploying three mechanisms: religious sequestration, issue minimization, and selective denial. This study contributes to our understanding of how religious leaders make sense of privileging civic and political positions over religious orthodoxy. It outlines the implications of this for black religious leaders specifically and the role of religious leaders in civic and political spheres more broadly. 相似文献
75.
76.
The three articles included in this second special section devoted to the interactions between religion and territorial politics in southern Europe continue the underlying research questions about the multiscalar interactions between religious mobilisation and policymaking, focusing on different denominations and scales of observations. The three articles point out three relevant elements for the analysis of religion and local politics. First, they show how contextualised exogenous factors influence the structures of opportunities for religions in the public and the political spheres. Second, they inchoately reveal the weakness of simplistic readings of the secularisation thesis. Third, they evidence the importance of a local and localised approach in analysing the relationships between religion and politics. 相似文献
77.
Luigi Leone Stefano Livi Antonio Chirumbolo 《European journal of social psychology》2016,46(4):418-427
The Dual Process Model (DPM) of social attitudes and prejudice proposes that Social Dominance Orientation (SDO) and Right Wing Authoritarianism (RWA) reflect two distinct motivational processes. In two studies, we investigated how political involvement moderates the impact of social worldviews and value‐based dimensions on SDO and RWA. We proposed that political involvement constrains SDO, RWA and their antecedents into a tighter left–right ideological dimension, therefore transforming the double dissociation pattern of the DPM into a double additive pattern. As expected, for stronger political involvement, Study 1 (N = 237) showed that SDO and RWA were a function of both the competitive jungle and the dangerous world worldviews, whereas Study 2 (N = 143) pointed out that SDO and RWA were both connected with the value dimensions of self‐enhancement and conservation. 相似文献
78.
The domestic cat (Felis silvestris catus L.) has colonized different types of environments that differ in their spatial distribution of resources. Urban environments are characterized by highly clumped distributions of food and shelter, allowing domestic cats to live in large multimale‐multifemale groups. In such a situation, questions arise about male and female mating strategies. In particular, do females exert active mate choice? We tested this question using behavioural records on acceptance and refusal of males by estrous females. Our results showed that most females copulated with several males during a single estrus period. The variability of female behaviour was high: six females copulated with all courting males whereas three others mated with most courting males; six others copulated with half or less of the courting males. Even if some females copulated with certain males more often than with others, the identity of the most successful males changed each time. These results show that most females did not choose mates among different males available. The results are discussed in terms of optimal reproductive strategies of males and females in an urban environment. Aggr. Behav. 26:455–465, 2000. © 2000 Wiley‐Liss, Inc. 相似文献
79.
Here we report six cases of infanticide in the domestic cat directly observed in populations located in the rural environment. This is the first time that infanticide in domestic cats has been witnessed directly and described. All infanticidal males were fully adult and sexually mature unknown males. All kittens killed were within their first week of life. The killing pattern was generally the same as that described in lions. All females reacted aggressively but could not prevent the infanticide. Three hypotheses are discussed : (1) infanticide is a remnant of cat male reproductive strategy selected in the original environment; (2) the conditions of the rural environment have created a selection pressure encouraging a polymorphism of infanticidal and noninfanticidal males to evolve; (3) infanticide is an abnormal behaviour caused by environmental conditions such as human disturbance. Aggr. Behav. 25:445–449, 1999. © 1999 Wiley‐Liss, Inc. 相似文献
80.
The content and impact of religious communication in politics has been a topic of increasing public and scholarly interest in recent years. To provide a foundation for future research in this area, the present study theorizes five broad factors—historical trajectory, party expectations, audience religiosity, candidate attributes, and opponent strategy—that may help explain why political candidates use religious language. We employ this framework in a large‐scale computer‐assisted content analysis of U.S. presidential campaign speeches from 1952 to 2016. Findings reveal that the Reagan shift observed in prior research was driven specifically by God language, that the “God gap” between Democrats and Republicans is modest and topic‐specific, and that audience characteristics are crucial in explaining candidates’ religious communication. 相似文献