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61.
Two apparently contradictory ideas are closely linked in Israeli political discourse: Israel is powerful and independent and Israel is vulnerable and dependent. This study used content analysis and focus groups, as well as existing survey data analyzed by others, to explore how this paradox has been reflected in newspapers and conversations during six different time periods from 1948 to 1996. The goal was not to explain the paradox but to examine its consequences for Israeli perceptions of U.S. policy in the Middle East—and, in the process, to explore Israeli self-images. The nature of U.S. strategic interests was originally treated as problematic and in need of political discussion, but in the past 25 years these interests have become taken for granted. Surprisingly, even after the end of the Cold War, a critical discourse moment in which a reexamination of U.S. interests in the Middle East would seem inevitable, the U.S. role remains taken for granted and largely unexamined. The strong/vulnerable paradox explains this absence of discussion: Examining U.S. interests too closely upsets the delicate balance that keeps the sense of vulnerability in check. 相似文献
62.
Joseph S. Lalli Timothy R. Vollmer Patrick R. Progar Carrie Wright John Borrero Dency Daniel Christine Hoffner Barthold Kathy Tocco William May 《Journal of applied behavior analysis》1999,32(3):285-296
We compared the effects of reinforcing compliance with either positive reinforcement (edible items) or negative reinforcement (a break) on 5 participants' escape-maintained problem behavior. Both procedures were assessed with or without extinction. Results showed that compliance was higher and problem behavior was lower for all participants when compliance produced an edible item rather than a break. Treatment gains were achieved without the use of extinction. Results are discussed regarding the use of positive reinforcement to treat escape behavior. 相似文献
63.
近年来,在经济快速发展的过程中,由于过于注重眼前利益,导致一系列缺乏商业道德事件的发生。受伊斯兰教和我国传统文化的影响,我国穆斯林在商业活动中形成了独特的商业文化,其核心价值是"自立"、"公正"、"重承诺"、"慎独"和"重未来"。我国穆斯林商业文化,对中国企业的经营管理具有借鉴意义。 相似文献
64.
Challenges in Developing a Cultural Evidence‐Based Psychotherapy in the USA: Suggestions for International Studies 下载免费PDF全文
In this article, we underscore some of the cultural challenges and limitations of the evidence‐based psychotherapy (EBP) utilised within the USA with the hope that these problems will be avoided or ameliorated in Australia and other countries. Although the EBP research is very diverse and complex, we categorise this fast‐growing literature using a threefold classification system that underscores culture. This classification system is proposed to examine the influence of culture on EBPs. The three categories used are (a) universal evidence‐based psychotherapies or universal psychotherapies, (b) race and ethnic minority evidence‐based psychotherapies or racial/ethnic psychotherapies, and (c) cultural evidence‐based psychotherapies or cultural psychotherapies. After each category is described, its benefits and limitations are discussed, emphasising implications for culturally diverse and international studies. We conclude with suggestions to promote the advancement of a more effective and inclusive cultural EBP in which researchers from different countries can collaborate and learn from each other. 相似文献
65.
66.
人与自然关系是文学表现的重要母题。透过文学的发展,可以窥视出人类社会在社会实践推动下所走过的历史道路。本文意在通过中西文学发展中人与自然关系的描写,揭示人与自然关系的变化过程,并在历史的视野中审视生态批判的当代意义。 相似文献
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68.
儒家大同思想在中国二千年的政治文化中影响深远。毛泽东深受中国传统文化影响。其中儒家大同思想的影响尤其巨大。这种影响渗透在其政治思维中,成为他日后设计中国社会模式的重要文化基因。毛泽东设计的具有儒家大同思想和空想社会主义色彩的社会模式,在中国的实践中由于严重脱离实际和生产力发展水平,耗费了大量的社会资本,使中国的现代化进程遭遇重大挫折。 相似文献
69.
该文较系统地论述了孟子的普通心理思想。主要问题是:心理学思想的基本观点,知虑心理思想,情欲心理思想,志意心理思想,智能心理思想,性习心理思想。 相似文献
70.
Rhys H. Williams 《Journal for the scientific study of religion》2013,52(2):239-257
American civil religion (ACR) burst on to the scholarly scene in 1967, and has been periodically revived as a source of analytic insight and normative hope since that time. It posited a universalist, prophetic, nonsectarian faith, referenced on the nation, that served as both a source of unity for the American people and a discursive resource for political leaders and protest movements. Using recent political events as illustrative cases, I argue that ACR is not only a universalist, prophetic creed, it is also an expression of tribal identity that ascribes a particular character and purpose to the American people. In particular, this “tribal” civil religion has an often‐unstated assumption about the inseparability of religion, race, and national identity—that is, white, Christian, and American. Recent events have disrupted those implicit connections, leading to a vociferous reemphasis of their centrality to the national story. I maintain that neither ACR, nor recent politics involving immigration and Barack Obama's presidency, can be understood fully without considering the religion‐race‐national identity nexus. 相似文献