拖延行为的发展认知机制及神经基础

拖延是指尽管预见到拖延会带来不利后果, 人们仍自愿推迟开始或完成某一计划好的任务。研究表明, 不同文化背景下有15%~20%的成年人存在慢性拖延, 超过70%的学生承认自己存在学业拖延, 部分学生还会形成特质性拖延。严重的拖延不仅影响人们的学业、工作和生活, 甚至还会危害到人们的身心健康。鉴于目前对于拖延产生的核心机制、形成的关键期以及发展认知神经机制还不是很清楚, 本项目拟从拖延的时间决策理论出发, 首先系统探明拖延决策的核心机制, 尤其是远期价值评估、延迟折扣和自我控制能力等在拖延决策过程中的认知加工机制和神经基础; 其次结合行为-环境变量-脑的多模态数据, 从发展角度探究拖延形成的关键期(敏感期)、影响因素以及发展认知神经机制; 最后从行为干预和脑的可塑性角度出发, 试图制定各关键年龄阶段拖延预防与干预的临床方案。本研究的开展对于把握拖延形成的认知机制、神经基础及其发展规律具有重要的科学价值, 对于拖延行为的预防和干预也具有直接的现实意义。     

从个体到集体：心理学视角下的集体记忆

基于拓展思维的社会互动主义视角, 采用流行病学研究思路, 记忆的形成与维护构成了集体记忆心理学研究的核心问题。相关研究一方面以“对话”为研究语境, 系统阐释了集体记忆形成中的社会传染、检索诱发遗忘、共享现实和网络聚合等心理机制; 另一方面, 聚焦于既存的记忆, 阐释了集体记忆有效性的心理原则, 同时, 记忆的身份关联性得到了确证。集体记忆心理学研究仍需拓展视野, 加强对文化记忆的有效性研究, 密切关注媒介技术变革引发的记忆变化, 积极推进本土化研究。     

Internalized equality and protest against injustice: The role of disadvantaged group members’ self-respect in collective action tendencies

Recent research shows that self-respect (defined as seeing yourself as a person with equal rights) predicts assertive but not aggressive responses to injustice in interpersonal contexts. The present research focuses on the antecedents of self-respect and its consequences for collective action tendencies among members of disadvantaged groups. Across three studies (N = 227, N = 454, N = 131) using different contexts and samples (discrimination of Muslims in Germany; women regarding gender inequality), experiences with equality-based respect (defined as being treated as someone of equal worth) predicted self-respect. Moreover, across all three studies, self-respect predicted intentions for cooperative or normative but not support for hostile or non-normative protest. The results demonstrate the potential of self-respect for facilitating collective action in the face of injustice while still enabling positive intergroup relations.     

Standing up for whom? Targets’ different goals in the confrontation of discrimination

We challenge the common interpretation of targets’ immediate confrontation in reaction to discrimination as self-serving behavior and propose different underlying motivations for this phenomenon. In five online scenario studies (N_overall = 1,447), we demonstrate across different samples and contexts that targets indicate a distinct pursuit of the following self-reported confrontation goals: individual-benefit (e.g., perpetrator apologizes); group-benefit (e.g., prejudice reduction); and distancing (e.g., demonstrating that one is different from typical group members). Furthermore, meaningful associations of the pursuits of individual-benefitting goals and group-benefitting goals with group identification, disidentification, and further collective action intentions indicate that they represent different confrontation motivations: Individual-benefitting confrontation serves to cope with the individual mistreatment of discrimination, whereas group-benefitting confrontation represents a form of collective action. Distancing goals were associated with disidentification and—unexpectedly—group identification. Our results show that the phenomenon of confrontation in reaction to discrimination can be the result of different underlying psychological processes.     

Zero-sum beliefs shape advantaged allies’ support for collective action

Three studies (N₁ = 1,019; N₂ = 312; N₃ = 494) tested whether seeing intergroup relations as inherently antagonistic shaped advantaged social groups’ allyship intentions. More specifically, we tested whether endorsing zero-sum beliefs related to their willingness to support system-challenging and system-supporting collective action. Zero-sum beliefs were negatively correlated with system-challenging and positively correlated with system-supporting collective action intentions. Zero-sum beliefs were more common among advantaged than disadvantaged groups and translated into lower allyship intentions. Advantaged group members with higher levels of zero-sum beliefs were also more likely to experience anger and fear when considering the demographic racial shift in the United States. Increased fear was associated with greater support for system-supporting and lower support for system-challenging collective action. We find consistent evidence that advantaged group members see intergroup relations as a zero-sum game and that these beliefs are negatively related to their intentions to become allies.     

Right-Wing Ideology as a Predictor of Collective Action: A Test Across Four Political Issue Domains

Despite a vast literature documenting motivations for collective action, the role of sociopolitical ideologies, including right-wing ideologies, in predicting collective action is underresearched. Literature on right-wing ideological beliefs suggests that those higher in right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) or social dominance orientation (SDO) hold specific attitudes or endorse specific policies, in part, because of factors such as perceived fear-based threat or empathy. In the present research, structural equation modeling (SEM) was run on pooled data from a diverse Canadian university sample and two American adult samples (total N = 1,469). Participants completed measures of RWA, SDO, fear-based threat, empathy, and domain-specific collective action. Results showed that RWA and SDO both related positively to collective action targeting societal moral breakdown but negatively to collective action aimed at equalizing race relations or fighting climate change. Whereas the indirect effects of right-wing ideologies via fear-based threat or empathy were significant in all four domains for SDO, the indirect effect of RWA was only significant in the climate change domain. Implications are discussed.     

Making Americans Feel Great Again? Personal Significance Predicts Political Intentions of Losers and Winners of the 2016 U.S. Election

Reactions of losers and winners of political elections have important consequences for the political system during times of power transition. In four studies conducted immediately before and after the 2016 U.S. presidential elections, we investigated how personal significance induced by success or failure of one's candidate is related to hostile versus benevolent intentions toward political adversaries. We found that the less significant supporters of Hillary Clinton and supporters of Donald Trump felt after an imagined (Study 1A) or actual (Study 2) electoral failure the more they were willing to engage in peaceful actions against the elected president and the less they were willing to accept the results of the elections. However, while significance gain due to an imagined or actual electoral success was related to more benevolent intentions among Clinton supporters (Study 1B), it was related to more hostile intentions among Trump supporters (Studies 1B, 2, and 3).     

味觉对判断与决策的影响及其机制

味觉作为人类生存必不可少的感觉之一, 早已超越“舌尖”的直接感受, 潜在地影响了个体对人际关系及伦理道德的知觉与判断, 改变着个体对冒险与消费等行为的决策。情绪中介假说、具身隐喻假说、进化假说以及社会建构假说从不同视角试图阐明味觉对判断与决策的影响机制。当前研究存在味觉感受存在个体差异、味觉测量难以保证效度、味觉实验缺乏统一研究范式等问题, 未来可继续进行味觉隐喻的验证并将其应用于感官营销、心理治疗等领域, 从生理、心理及社会等多个层面出发, 全方位探讨味觉对判断、决策的影响及其机制。     

Ethical dilemmas in testing for late onset conditions: reactions to testing and perceived impact on other family members

This paper examines some of the ethical dilemmas that arise when testing for the late onset, untreatable condition of Huntington disease (HD) specifically now that technology allows us to test younger generations of the family for the mutant gene. Drawing on interview data from families with Huntington disease, the reactions to testing and perceived impact on other family members are considered. These are discussed in the light of the possible lowering of the age of test applicants. This potentially raises problems for a younger generation as they are confronted with reproductive decisions that the older generation did not have to face. It also means that individuals have the prospect of living with knowledge of a future illness for much longer.