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11.
Robert E. Goodin 《The Journal of Ethics》2005,9(1-2):225-246
An interesting fact about customary international law is that the only way you can propose an amendment to it is by breaking it. How can that be differentiated from plain law-breaking? What moral standards might apply to that sort of international conduct? I propose we use ones analogous to the ordinary standards for distinguishing civil disobedients from ordinary law-breakers: would-be law-makers, like civil disobedients, must break the law openly; they must accept the legal consequences of doing so; and they must be prepared to have the same rules applied to them as everyone else. 相似文献
12.
以城市居民用水两难情景为实验任务,探讨了处罚(罚款)对城市居民个人用水行为的影响。结果表明:相对只是对违规的个体进行处罚的方式,个体一群体其他成员处罚的方式更能约束人们的不良行为发生相对于现行水价标准,5.4元的超水高额处罚标准很可能是人们的一个心理接受节点,高于该金额的水费处罚标准人们可能将难以接受。 相似文献
13.
术前谈话与患者的知情同意权 总被引:3,自引:2,他引:1
告知说明义务是医师的法定义务,知情同意权是患者的法定权利,术前谈话是外科医师履行告知说明义务和手术患者实现知情同意权的共同方式。外科医师应深入理解患者的知情同意权,合理履行告知说明义务,临床实践中做到告知说明内容充分,变更手术重新告知说明,避免使用穷尽式列举,确定签字人身份合法且具有完全民事行为能力。 相似文献
14.
本论文以国家公务员为对象,从背景、核心自我评价和组织文化的层面来探讨公务员绩效评估公平性的影响因素。结果表明,在公务员个人属性变量上,性别、职级、收入、工龄和年终绩效等级对绩效评估公平性上存在显著影响;单位组织文化各因子特别是诚信公正因子对公务员绩效评估公平性的影响最大,核心自我评价各因子对公平性的影响不大。 相似文献
15.
MARTHA NUSSBAUM 《Metaphilosophy》2009,40(3-4):331-351
Abstract: People with cognitive disabilities are equal citizens, and law ought to show respect for them as full equals. To do so, law must provide such people with equal entitlements to medical care, housing, and other economic needs. But law must also go further, providing people with disabilities truly equal access to education, even when that is costly and involves considerable change in current methods of instruction. The central theme of this essay is what is required in order to give such people political and civil rights on a basis of genuine equality. 相似文献
16.
James Mensch 《Continental Philosophy Review》2007,40(1):31-47
“Public space” is the space where individuals see and are seen by others as they engage in public affairs. Hannah Arendt links this space with “public freedom.” The being of such freedom, she asserts, depends on its appearing. It consists of “deeds and words which are meant to appear, whose very existence hinges on appearance.” Such appearance, however, requires the public space. Reflecting on Arendt’s remarks, a number of questions arise: What does the dependence of freedom on public space tell us about the nature of freedom? How does public freedom relate to the freedom of a private individual? Does the latter also depend on its appearing? Which is generatively prior: freedom or public space, i.e., the actions that publicly manifest freedom or the space required for their appearance? How does public power shape this space? In this article, I approach these questions through a phenomenological study of public space. 相似文献
17.
对吉林省516名公务员的血压及心血管疾病危险因素进行描述性分析,用二分类Logistic回归法筛选危险因素。公务员正常高值血压现患率为34.9%。正常高值血压人群体重指数、腰围、空腹血糖、总胆固醇、低密度脂蛋白胆固醇、甘油三酯、血清肌酐、血尿酸、心一踝血管指数水平以及代谢综合征患病率均高于正常血压组低于高血压组,高密度... 相似文献
18.
《Journal of Global Ethics》2013,9(1):51-66
As some thinkers have sought in the concept of global civil society an ethically driven site of deliberation and even resistance, so others have criticized global civil society for its lack of legitimacy and representativeness. This article attempts to answer these criticisms – at least in part – by invoking a moral commitment to the value of justification. I argue that the idea of justification, when examined, offers us a particular understanding of legitimacy which would be attainable for global civil society actors. The article begins by setting out the case for concern about the legitimacy of global civil society. I then outline a certain understanding of justification, showing how a commitment to this conception provides both a response to critics of global civil society and an ethical baseline for humane actors within global civil society. I move on to trace the significance of the moral relevance of justification for actors' strategies. Lastly, however, I highlight the difficulty of justification in a diverse world. This is to say that the issues of legitimacy and strategy facing global civil society are only made more tractable, not dissolved, by an appeal to the importance of justification. 相似文献
19.
《Journal of Global Ethics》2013,9(1):5-23
Discussions of global ethics—about the types of ethical claim made on individuals and groups, not only states, by individuals and groups around the world—have had to move beyond the categories inherited in the International Relations discipline. Many important positions are not captured by a framework developed for discussion of inter-state relations. The blindspots seem to reflect an outmoded expectation that (i) giving low normative weight to national boundaries correlates strongly with (ii) giving more normative weight to people beyond one's national boundaries, and vice versa; in other words that these two dimensions in practice reduce to one. The paper develops an enriched categorisation. We need to recognise the separate importance of the two dimensions, and thus distinguish various types of ‘cosmopolitan’ position, including many varieties of libertarian position which give neither national boundaries nor pan-human obligations much (if any) importance. 相似文献
20.
This paper develops a theory of civil disobedience informed by a deliberative conception of democracy. In particular, it explores the justification of illegal, public and political acts of protest in constitutional deliberative democracies. Civil disobedience becomes justifiable when processes of public deliberation fail to respect the principles of a deliberative democracy in the following three ways: when deliberation is insufficiently inclusive; when it is manipulated by powerful participants; and when it is insufficiently informed. As a contribution to ongoing processes of public deliberation, civil disobedience should be carried out in a way that respects the principles of deliberative democracy, which entails a commitment to persuasive, non-violent forms of protest.Civil disobedience is understood in this paper as public, illegal and political protest carried out against state laws or policies. Justification here is understood as a moral or political justification -- where civilly disobedient citizens claim that they are morally or politically entitled to disobey law. It does not imply legal justification.John Rawls, A Theory of Justice (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1972); Ronald Dworkin, A Matter of Principle (London: Harvard University Press, 1985). 相似文献