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191.
Abstract. Earth is the home planet, right for life. But rights, a notable political category, is, unfortunately, a biologically awkward word. Humans, nonetheless, have rights to a natural environment with integrity. Humans have responsibilities to respect values in fauna and flora. Appropriate survival units include species populations and ecosystems. Increasingly the ultimate survival unit isglobal; and humans have a responsibility to the planet Earth. Human political systems are not well suited to protect life atglobal ranges. National boundaries ignore important ecologicalprocesses; national policies do not favor an equitable distribution of sustainable resources. But there are signs of hope. 相似文献
192.
Wei Li Shuer Ye Bing Zhu Morris Hoffman Jia Zhou Qun Yang 《Journal of Neuropsychology》2023,17(2):335-350
Emotions affects moral judgements, and controlled cognitive processes regulate those emotional responses during moral decision making. However, the neurobiological basis of this interaction is unclear. We used a graph theory measurement called participation coefficient (‘PC’) to quantify the resting-state functional connectivity within and between four meta-analytic groupings (MAGs) associated with emotion generation and regulation, to test whether that measurement predicts individual differences in moral foundations-based values. We found that the PC of one of the MAGs (MAG2) was positively correlated with one of the five recognized moral foundations–the one based on harm avoidance. We also found that increased inter-module connectivity between the ventromedial prefrontal cortex, dorsolateral prefrontal cortex and middle temporal gyrus with other nodes in the four MAGs was likewise associated with higher endorsement of the Harm foundation. These results suggest that individuals' sensitivity to harm is associated with functional integration of large-scale brain networks of emotional regulation. These findings add to our knowledge of how individual variations in our moral values could be reflected by intrinsic brain network organization and deepen our understanding of the relationship between emotion and cognition during evaluations of moral values. 相似文献
193.
During the last half a century, civil rights movements have been led by people of faith even as they have marched in different directions. Some spoke out for the status quo while others demanded a different vision of justice, some for peace and others for war, for a violence-free life for women and against it. The issues and partisans shift, particularly as the relationship between state and church, faith and politics, has varied from one country to the next. Participation is dangerous, but even more so are inaction, withdrawal, obedience. This issue of Dialog takes another look at the history, philosophy, and practice of Christians. 相似文献
194.
Guns figure prominently in American culture. There is, however, considerable variability in attitudes toward guns. The beliefs and feelings that comprise attitudes toward guns may well be important moderators of numerous social behaviors. For this reason, a three-dimensional attitudes scale was constructed. The first factor consists of an abstract set of beliefs concerning the right of the American public to own or not own guns. The second and third factors tap more concrete beliefs about the consequences of gun ownership. Specifically, the second factor assesses the degree to which people believe gun ownership affords protection against crime. The third factor measures the degree to which people believe guns stimulate crime. Discriminant validity of the subscales is shown by the pattern of correlations obtained with the three dimensions and various other social and personality measures. Regression analyses indicate that the subscales are uniquely predicted by different social variables. Discussion centers on the usefulness of such a measure for future research on aggression, social policy, and attitude change. 相似文献
195.
To examine the factors associated with social participation and to determine whether social participation is predictive of mortality, a cohort of 1405 randomly selected older people aged 65 years and over, living in Settsu, Osaka Prefecture, was followed up for 66 months. By multivariate analysis using logistic regression, female sex, older age, disability, medical treatment, no use of health checks, no daily preventive health practices, and no life worth living (no Ikigai) were independent risk factors for no participation in social activities. From the analysis using the Kaplan–Meier method, the cumulative survival rates were higher among those who took part in social activities than among those who did not in both age groups, 65–74 years and 75 years and older, for men and women. Application of the Cox proportional hazards model resulted in adjusted hazard ratio of no participation in social activities for mortality of 1.53 (95% confidence interval: 1.11–2.11), controlling for other potential factors. These results suggest that participation in social activities is closely associated with health and psychosocial conditions and may be an independent risk factor for mortality among community-residing older people. 相似文献
196.
Günter Krampen 《Political psychology》2000,21(2):277-299
The political activity and voting behavior of 136 young German adults in 1994 were predicted by their political action orientations measured 7 years before. Respondents belonging to cohorts born in 1971, 1972, and 1973 were surveyed in 1987, 1988, and 1994. The questionnaires measured variables relevant to the social-cognitive action theory model of personality: self-concept of political competence, beliefs about political locus of control, political knowledge, trust in politics, satisfaction with politics, and political activity in everyday life. The results are interpreted with respect to the correlative and absolute stability versus plasticity of the variables from 1987 to 1994, as well as the predictive value of the action theory personality variables for political activities and for voting behavior measured 7 years later. Longitudinal results indicate a high predictive value of self-concept of political competence and political knowledge for political activity and voting in early adulthood. Because only these two personality variables showed relatively high positional stability coefficients from adolescence to early adulthood, the discussion refers to the necessity of early developmental interventions to prevent extreme types of politically uninterested and passive adults. Therefore, the social-cognitive action theory personality model of political participation is extended to a social-cognitive action theory personality model of political socialization in the life span. 相似文献
197.
Hugh Upton 《The Journal of Ethics》2000,4(3):237-256
The paper begins by defending the Hohfeldianaccount of rights (as equivalence relations) from thecharge that it cannot capture their specialsignificance, and thus cannot be used in a right-basedmoral theory. It goes on to argue that, because of amisunderstanding of this relational account, theconception of right-based morality that has emerged inrecent years has been variously flawed from theoutset. A particular form of explanatory priority waswrongly taken to be essential, and then eitherincoherently combined with equivalence, or taken to bea reason for rejecting equivalence where right-basedthinking is concerned. In fact, this form of priorityis not sufficient for establishing a right-based moraltheory. It is also not necessary, since theHohfeldian analysis can be shown to be entirelyadequate to meeting the original aims of thoseproposing this approach to ethics. 相似文献
198.
Eric Mack 《The Journal of Ethics》2000,4(1-2):71-98
This essay critically examines three theories of moral rights, theBenefit, the Interest, and the Choice theories. The Interest andChoice theories attempt to explain how rights can be more robustthan seems possible on the Benefit theory. In particular, moralrights are supposed to be resistant to trade-offs to supportprincipled anti-paternalism, to constitute a distinct dimensionof morality, and to provide right holders with a range ofdiscretionary choice. I argue that these and other featuresare better yet provided by a fourth theory of moral rights, theJurisdiction theory. 相似文献
199.
Thomas Pogge 《The Journal of Ethics》2000,4(1-2):45-69
A comparative examination of four alternative ways of understandingwhat human rights are supports an institutional understanding assuggested by Article 28 of the Universal Declaration: Human rightsare weighty moral claims on any coercively imposed institutionalorder, national or international (as Article 28 confirms). Any suchorder must afford the persons on whom it is imposed secure accessto the objects of their human rights. This understanding of humanrights is broadly sharable across cultures and narrows the philosophical and practical differences between the friends ofcivil and political and the champions of social, economic, andcultural human rights. When applied to the global institutionalorder, it provides a new argument for conceiving human rights asuniversal – and a new basis for criticizing this order as tooencouraging of oppression, corruption, and poverty in the developing countries: We have a negative duty not to cooperatein the imposition of this global order if feasible reforms ofit would significantly improve the realization of human rights. 相似文献
200.
本研究考察了老年人的元刻板印象及其对老年人社会互动的影响。预研究以35名老年人为被试,通过访谈和开放式问卷,获得老年人积极与消极元刻板印象形容词。正式研究以140名老年人为被试,通过问卷调查,首先确定老年人元刻板印象的内容与结构;然后分析发现,当老年人作为社会互动的接受方时:(1)积极元刻板印象正向预测其接受外群体帮助的意愿(包括自主定向帮助和依赖定向帮助),并且接受帮助可引发积极受助体验;(2)消极元刻板印象只正向预测老年人接受外群体自主定向帮助的意愿,且持消极元刻板印象的老年人受助体验消极。当老年人作为社会互动的发出方时;(3)积极元刻板印象正向预测老年人社会参与的频率和他们对外群体的施助意愿;(4)消极元刻板印象对施助意愿和社会参与的预测作用均不显著。综上,老年人的积极元刻板印象能促进他们的社会互动,并使他们获得良好的互动体验。 相似文献