进谏行为与组织公民行为的关系研究：诺莫网络视角

进谏行为和组织公民行为等角色外行为研究近年来备受关注。与组织公民行为相比,进谏行为是一个新的构念。本研究探索了进谏行为的构念内涵,并借鉴诺莫网络思路考察了进谏行为与组织公民行为的关系。问卷研究的结果表明：进谏行为能融入组织公民行为构念,领导公平和情感承诺对两者都具有正面影响,而大五中的宜人性维度对两者的影响表现出差异性;从事角色外行为会导致更高的工作满意感。研究证实了进谏行为与组织公民行为构念内涵的相似性及存在的细微差异。     

Contributive Justice and Meaningful Work

The dominant focus of thinking about economic justice is overwhelmingly distributive, that is, concerned with what people get in terms of resources and opportunities. It views work mainly negatively, as a burden or cost, or else is neutral about it, rather than seeing it as a source of meaning and fulfilment—a good in its own right. However, what we do in life has at least as much, if not more, influence on whom we become, as does what we get. Thus we have good reason also to be concerned with what Paul Gomberg has termed contributive justice, that is, justice as regards what people are expected and able to contribute in terms of work. Complex, interesting work allows workers not only to develop and exercise their capacities, and gain the satisfaction from achieving the internal goods of a practice, but to gain the external goods of recognition and esteem. As Gomberg’s analysis of the concept of contributive justice in relation to equality of opportunity shows, as long as the more satisfying kinds of work are concentrated into a subset of jobs, rather than shared out among all jobs, then many workers will be denied the chance to have meaningful work and the recognition that goes with it. In this paper I examine the contributive justice argument, suggest how it can be further strengthened, arguing, inter alia, that ignoring contributive injustice tends to support legitimations of distributive inequality.

组织伦理气氛的理论与研究

组织伦理气氛（organizationalethicclimate）是组织成员对组织伦理环境特性的一致性认知。在文献研究的基础上,该文首先从伦理与组织伦理、组织伦理气氛的概念来源与形成、结构与测量、影响因素及其与组织绩效的关系等方面,对国外组织伦理气氛研究进行了归纳和反思,并从理论研究与管理实践方面提出了一些具体的建议     

Public Space

“Public space” is the space where individuals see and are seen by others as they engage in public affairs. Hannah Arendt links this space with “public freedom.” The being of such freedom, she asserts, depends on its appearing. It consists of “deeds and words which are meant to appear, whose very existence hinges on appearance.” Such appearance, however, requires the public space. Reflecting on Arendt’s remarks, a number of questions arise: What does the dependence of freedom on public space tell us about the nature of freedom? How does public freedom relate to the freedom of a private individual? Does the latter also depend on its appearing? Which is generatively prior: freedom or public space, i.e., the actions that publicly manifest freedom or the space required for their appearance? How does public power shape this space? In this article, I approach these questions through a phenomenological study of public space.     

社会公平:构建社会主义和谐社会的伦理基础

社会公平是社会主义最核心的价值追求,是构建社会主义和谐社会的伦理基础。社会公平是当代社会经济发展的基本理念,也是一个由机会平等、按贡献分配以及社会调节等原则组成的基本规则体系,具体表现为权利公平、机会公平、规则公平和分配结果的相对公平。在社会转型时期,必须坚持社会公平原则,对社会的有限资源和权利义务进行有效而合理的配置和安排,才能建立公正合理的社会经济生活秩序,建设一个经济繁荣、政治文明、社会秩序稳定、人民安居乐业的和谐社会。     

The Global Scope of Justice

In this paper, I examine the question of the scope of justice, in a not unusual distributive, egalitarian, and universalistic framework. Part I outlines some central features of the egalitarian theory of justice I am proposing. According to such a conception, justice is – at least prima facie – immediately universal, and therefore global. It does not morally recognize any judicial boundaries or limits. Part II examines whether, even from a universalistic perspective, there are moral or pragmatic grounds for rejecting or limiting the global scope of justice. In particular, I scrutinize five universalistic objections: (1) the principle of "moral division of labor"; (2) the connection between cooperation and distributive justice; (3) the primacy of democracy; (4) the dangers of a world state; and (5) political-pragmatic reasons. I intend to show that these objections cannot undermine the strong normative claims of global justice. At the most, political-pragmatic reasons speak in favor of initially striving for somewhat less, in order to receive more general backing.     

Drug Use History, Drug Test Consequences, and the Perceived Fairness of Organizational Drug Testing Programs

We explored the effects of drug use history (current/recent user of drugs, used/tried drugs, never tried drugs) and a measure of drug test consequences (termination versus rehabilitation) on the perceived fairness of organizational drug testing (DT). Data were collected as part of a statewide telephone survey of the general adult population. Personal drug use history and DT consequences interacted such that DT consequences were related to DT fairness only for nonusers who had past drug use experience. The importance of past drug use in understanding reactions to DT are discussed.     

Citizens' Sense of Justice and the Legal System

When an actor commits a wrong action, citizens have perceptions of the kind of responsibility the actor incurs, the degree to which the act was mitigated or justified, and the appropriate punishment for the actor. The legislatively mandated law of criminal courts, statutes, and criminal codes deals with the same issues. Experimental evidence shows that there are important discrepancies between the principles that people and legal codes use to assign responsibility. That is, the moral retributive-justice principles that people use are sometimes in conflict with the directions in which modern code drafters are taking criminal law. These discrepancies may cause citizens to feel alienated from authority, and to reduce their voluntary compliance with legal codes.     

权力线索

权力线索指人们判断权力所依赖各种信息,其能预测人们的思维和行为。除以视觉刺激和听觉刺激的形式直接影响人们的权力感知外,权力线索也可利用人们对其在空间和数字上的心理表征,间接影响人们的权力判断。各种权力线索的具体效应仍存争议。为此,学者已开始关注现有线索去伪存真、分类和标准化等问题,还从生理视角对其加以验证,并探求新的权力线索     

EVERYONE AT THE TABLE: Religious Activism and Health Care Reform in Massachusetts

Using interviews with activists and Lisa Sowle Cahill's concept of participatory discourse, this article examines how the Greater Boston Interfaith Organization (GBIO) built solidarity for the 2006 Massachusetts health care reform law. The analysis explores the morally formative connections between GBIO's activist strategies and its public liturgy for reform. The solidarity generated through this interfaith coalition's activities and religious arguments contrasts with two standard types of policy discourse, economics and liberalism. Arguments for health care reform based on economic efficiency or positive rights are hampered by the lack of solidarity in U.S. political culture. GBIO's congregation‐based organizing offers a performative model of public argumentation for religious groups committed to achieving affordable, quality health care for all Americans.