Just War Moralities

This essay discusses four recent books on the Western, and one book on the classical Chinese, traditions of just war. It concentrates on the jus ad bellum moral criteria (legitimate authority, just cause, and right intention), giving attention to the centrality of the state in just war morality, to some challenges in reconceptualizing the jus ad bellum in the context of non‐state agents, and to controversies over a “presumption against war.”     

GRATIAN AND MENGZI

In this essay, I compare two pioneer thinkers of the “just war” tradition across cultures: Gratian in the Christian tradition, and Mengzi (Mencius) in the Confucian tradition. I examine their historical-cultural contexts and the need for both to discuss just war, introduce the nature of their treatises and the rudimentary theories of just war therein, and trace the influence both thinkers’ theories have had on subsequent just war ethics. Both deemed just cause, proper authority, and right intention to be necessary conditions for initiating a just war. However, Gratian’s theory has a presumption against injustice whereas Mengzi’s theory has a presumption against war. As a jurist of the Church, Gratian sought to discriminate just from unjust wars, while Mengzi, a moral-political advisor to rulers, was more concerned with avoiding bloodshed and building lasting peace. In addition to examining these thinkers’ respective historical influences, I submit that Gratian’s Decretum and the Mengzi are pioneering in two more senses. First, they offer important clues to understanding how just war ideas were developed very differently in medieval Europe and in premodern China. Second, both embodied features that helped shape their subsequent intellectual tradition, which in turn molded the different legacies of these two works.     

How Single Older Men Reach Poverty and Its Relationship with Help-Seeking Preferences1

This study aimed to clarify patterns of poverty among single older men and examine this population's help-seeking preferences. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 83 older single men in poverty. Three main patterns of poverty were identified: lifelong, job turnover, and retirement. A common characteristic among these patterns indicated that they did not recognize their difficulties as problems. Furthermore, we identified five groups of help-receiving preferences: independent, resignation, mutual-aid, other-oriented, and seeking. Among these, the independent and resignation groups were influenced by past experiences of failing to seek help, which was characteristic of the lifelong pattern type. Furthermore, the mutual-aid and seeking groups were oriented toward positive help-seeking, which was characteristic of the job turnover and retirement pattern types. However, neither group actively sought help for social isolation or lack of social support, suggesting that it would have been challenging to establish social relationships early on in life. Thus, it is important to establish initiatives that enable older people to understand their current state and to think about their future depending on three patterns of poverty.     

Would a neuroscience of violence aid in understanding legal culpability?

Defense attorneys in criminal cases are beginning to argue that their clients were biologically predisposed to committing their crimes and therefore were less responsible for their behavior. Indeed, if our brains cause our behavior, and our brains are the way they are because of genetic composition, insults, disease, and life experiences, it becomes difficult to argue that any punishment as justified retribution for behavior is cogent. In this essay, I address the question of whether understanding the neuroscience behind human behavior should alter our legal notion of responsibility. We will examine this query in greater detail, using violence as a case study, asking whether understanding the neuroscience underlying violent behavior impacts our notion of personal or legal culpability. I shall argue that it does not. I proceed by first briefly sketching what we know about human violence and the biology behind it. Then I turn to a quick discussion of psychopaths, their connections to violence, and what we think we know about the biology of their brains. Finally, I come to the question of whether we should consider violent people with specific brain abnormalities as mad or bad, which will feed into the question of whether such people are responsible for their criminal behavior. I conclude with some very general and very brief speculations on what this discussion has to tell us about nature of being human.     

Affective responses to non-sexual imagery depicting gay men and lesbian women

ABSTRACT

When examining negative attitudes and behaviors directed toward gay men and lesbian women (i.e., homonegativity), researchers tend to use measures that require participants to respond to belief statements. This methodology is problematic for two reasons: 1) it focuses on the social categories “gay men” and “lesbian women” and ignores the practices of relational intimacy engaged in by gay and lesbian persons (practices that, arguably, are at the crux of homonegativity); and 2) it overlooks the affective responses that sexual minorities evoke in heterosexual people. These issues were tackled in the current study. Specifically, heterosexual participants (N = 241) were asked to report their affective state using six basic emotions while viewing photos depicting male-male, female-female, and heterosexual couples. Findings demonstrated that participants, regardless of gender, reacted most negatively to images of female-female couples engaging in everyday intimacies. Theoretical explanations for these findings are explored.     

Vaginal bleeding and spotting in transgender men after initiation of testosterone therapy: A prospective cohort study (ENIGI)

Abstract

Background: Previous studies have cross-sectionally described amenorrhea in cohorts of transgender men on intramuscular or subcutaneous testosterone injections. It remains uncertain which testosterone preparations most effectively suppress vaginal bleeding and when amenorrhea occurs after testosterone initiation.

Aim:To investigate the clinical effects of various testosterone preparations on vaginal bleeding and spotting in transgender men.

Methods: This prospective cohort study was part of the European Network for the Investigation of Gender Incongruence (ENIGI). Data on the persistence and intensity of vaginal bleeding and spotting, serum sex steroid levels and body composition were prospectively and cross-sectionally assessed in 267 transgender men during a three-year follow-up period, starting at the initiation of various testosterone preparations.

Results: After three months of testosterone, 17.9% of transgender men reported persistent vaginal bleeding and 26.8% reported spotting. The percentages reporting vaginal bleeding and spotting decreased over the first year of testosterone (bleeding 4.7% and spotting 6.9% at 12?months, respectively), with no participants reporting vaginal bleeding or spotting after 18?months of testosterone. Factors associated with vaginal bleeding or spotting included lower serum testosterone levels and being on testosterone gel as compared to injections (e.g., esters or undecanoate preparations). If vaginal bleeding persisted, starting progestogens at three months resulted in a decrease in the intensity of vaginal bleeding and spotting.

Discussion: Transgender men and hormone-prescribing providers can be reassured that vaginal bleeding and spotting usually stop within three months after testosterone initiation. If not, serum testosterone levels should be measured and testosterone dose adjusted to achieve serum testosterone levels in the physiologic male range. Adding a progestin can be considered after three to six months if bleeding persists. Providers should be aware that cessation of bleeding can be more difficult to achieve in transgender men with lower serum testosterone levels or those on testosterone gel.